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Fragmentos de textos e imagens catadas nesta tela, capturadas desta web, varridas de jornais, revistas, livros, sons, filtradas pelos olhos e ouvidos e escorrendo pelos dedos para serem derramadas sobre as teclas... e viverem eterna e instanta neamente num logradouro digital. Desagua douro de pensa mentos.
LEONARDO SAKAMOTO
Toda vez que uma proposta para aumento nos direitos de trabalhadores ganha corpo no Brasil, uma trombeta ecoa: a do apocalipse econômico. O curioso é que ela apita de forma semelhante há mais de um século, mudando apenas o contexto histórico. Vão-se os rótulos, ficam as garrafas.
Da assinatura da Lei Áurea no Império passando pelo debate sobre o 13º salário no governo João Goulart até a recente mobilização pelo fim da escala 6x1 sob a gestão Lula, o roteiro vai sendo plagiado. O país vai quebrar. O desemprego vai disparar. A inflação vai devorar tudo. E, no fim, o trabalhador sairá pior do que entrou.
O debate sobre os prós e contras da redução da escala e da jornada semanal é importante e precisa ser promovido, mas o discurso do medo tem sido, mais uma vez, o argumento central de muita gente.
Em 1888, quando a libertação (formal) dos escravizados se caminhava para virar lei, parte da elite tratou a abolição como sentença de morte da economia. A lavoura iria à ruína, não haveria braços, as fazendas afundariam em dívidas. E a liberdade concedida, assim, de repente, produziria caos social. A impossibilidade do Brasil sem mão de obra cativa apareceu como argumento técnico, racional, jurídico. O medo foi embalado como caridade, afinal, os próprios escravizados seriam prejudicados por não terem quem deles cuidasse.
Décadas depois, quando se discutia a criação da gratificação natalina que se tornaria o 13º salário, o discurso preservou o mesmo espírito. Editorialistas advertiam que um holerite extra levaria à quebradeira generalizada. Patrões anunciavam demissões em massa como consequência inevitável. A inflação seria galopante. O benefício, ironicamente, prejudicaria quem pretendia proteger. O trabalhador, mais uma vez, foi usado como argumento contra o próprio interesse.
Agora, no debate sobre o fim da escala 6x1, a trilha sonora retorna com arranjos contemporâneos. Fala-se na inviabilidade para comércio e serviços, na matemática impossível das pequenas empresas (detalhe: o Sebrae fez uma pesquisa apontando que a maioria dos pequenos negócios não vê impacto negativo), no repasse automático aos preços. Ressurge o fantasma da informalidade: se encarecer o emprego formal, a solução será pejotizar — como se o avanço da pejotização já não estivesse em curso no julgamento do Tema 1389 no STF. A precarização viria como efeito colateral inevitável da tentativa de civilizar a escala.
UOL
Jeffrey St. Clair >
+ I started getting press calls about Chomsky and Epstein, before I’d looked at the new revelations and saw just how deep the relationship was. (“Why is the press calling the press,” I said, “if I have anything to say, I’ll write myself,” refusing any comment.)
The latest batch is very ugly and, I think, indefensible. It’s especially disgusting that Noam saw it necessary to shame the victims as hysterics. When it was first revealed that Chomsky had some kind of relationship with Epstein, I was surprised, but not terribly shocked. I assumed he was trying to pick Epstein’s very deep pockets for money for his MIT projects. Hell, Noam had taken money from the Pentagon, DIA and other unsavory sources in the past. There’s no such thing as clean money. But still…
It’s also very hard to understand how he could have maintained such close ties to someone who was a hardcore Zionist and, if not an Israeli agent himself, certainly an asset whom Israeli intelligence used frequently. It’s baffling. A couple of years ago, I gave him the benefit of the doubt and wrote off his dismissal of Epstein’s predatory sexual behavior as similar to Nader’s stubborn refusal to endorse gay rights during the 2000 campaign, when there were several gay marriage/rights initiatives on state ballots, by saying, “I don’t do gonadal politics.” But this is much more appalling and inexplicable.
What was it about Epstein that could cloud Chomsky’s judgment? If it wasn’t the money and wasn’t the opportunity to rape young women? Look at Epstein’s writing: it’s scarcely literate. The sex-trafficker masquerading as a financial genius and consciousness guru was just not that smart and you’d think Noam, of all people, would be immune to intellectual seduction and flattery.
The last time I talked to Noam was a couple of years ago to beg for a blurb for our book An Orgy of Thieves, which he graciously delivered almost immediately. He still seemed to have all of his faculties, which, as we know, are more faculties than almost anyone else on the planet has ever had. So I don’t think you can blame it on dementia–maybe the new wife (always the first reaction when your hero stumbles)? But Valeria apparently only wanted Epstein to put them up in NYC and Noam said, “I fantasize about the Caribbean.” Read that how you will, but I prefer to believe Noam was thinking about Cuba.
The right, of course, is, as Doug Henwood pointed out, scurrilously trying to link this perplexing friendship to Chomsky’s politics, which is absurd. In fact, the relationship is a contradiction of nearly everything Chomsky has stood for over the last 60 years, which is why the revelations have proved so confounding for so many of us.
+ Several people have asked what Cockburn would have thought about Chomsky’s unsettling relationship with Epstein. It’s impossible to say, really. Alex and Noam were friends and Alex was intensely loyal to his friends. Given Cockburn’s writings on sex panics, I’d guess that he would have been more unnerved about Epstein’s role as a Zionist hardliner (and probable Israeli agent) than Noam’s bizarre dismissal of Epstein’s, by then widely-known, predilection for sex-trafficking and pedophilia. At the very least, Noam’s ties to Epstein were evidence of seriously bad judgment, intellectual and moral, from someone who usually made such considered and thoroughly reasoned decisions. At least that’s how it appears on this misty morning in the Oregon country….
COUNTERPUNCH
What are we fighting for?
"Probably the strongest
feeling of time travel that I have ever felt is making films and working
with archives. Because time travel, as far as I know, doesn’t really
exist. There is no DeLorean, no time machine. But, when you’re holding a
cassette tape, it’s the actual cassette tape that was recorded in 1977
or 1974. I felt that a number of times when I went to cinematheques. You
go into the restoration department, see the big scanner and the
negative, and you go, “That’s the camera negative that was on the set in
1951.” It’s a historical artifact."
READ INTERVIEW WITH KLEBER MENDONÇA FILHA
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