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His campaign is promising a more repressive and dangerous America.
by Spencer Kornhaber
After decades of gains in public acceptance, the LGBTQ community is confronting a climate in which political leaders are once again calling them weirdos and predators. Texas Governor Greg Abbott has directed the Department of Family and Protective Services to investigate the parents of transgender children; Governor Ron DeSantis has tried to purge Florida classrooms of books that acknowledge the reality that some people aren’t straight or cisgender; Missouri has imposed rules that limit access to gender-affirming care for trans people of all ages. Donald Trump is promising to nationalize such efforts. He doesn’t just want to surveil, miseducate, and repress children who are exploring their emerging identities. He wants to interfere in the private lives of millions of adults, revoking freedoms that any pluralistic society should protect.
During his 2016
campaign, Trump seemed to think that feigning sympathy for queer people
was good PR. “I will do everything in my power to protect our LGBTQ
citizens,” he promised. Then, while in office, he oversaw a broad
rollback of LGBTQ protections, removing gender identity and sexuality
from federal nondiscrimination provisions regarding health care,
employment, and housing. His Defense Department restricted soldiers’
right to transition and banned trans people from enlisting; his State
Department refused to issue visas to the same-sex domestic partners of
diplomats. Yet when seeking reelection in 2020, Trump still made a show
of throwing a Pride-themed rally.
Now, recognizing that red-state
voters have been energized by anti-queer demagoguery, he’s not even
pretending to be tolerant. “These people are sick; they are deranged,”
Trump said during a speech, amid a rant about transgender athletes in
June. When the audience cheered at his mention of “transgender
insanity,” he marveled, “It’s amazing how strongly people feel about
that. You see, I’m talking about cutting taxes, people go like that.” He
pantomimed weak applause. “But you mention transgender, everyone goes
crazy.” The rhetoric has become a fixture of his rallies.
Trump
is now running on a 10-point “Plan to Protect Children From Left-Wing
Gender Insanity.” Its aim is not simply to interfere with parents’
rights to shape their kids’ health and education in consultation with
doctors and teachers; it’s to effectively end trans people’s existence
in the eyes of the government. Trump will call on Congress to establish a
national definition of gender as being strictly binary and immutable
from birth. He also wants to use executive action to cease all federal
“programs that promote the concept of sex and gender transition at any
age.” If enacted, those measures could open the door to all sorts of
administrative cruelties—making it impossible, for example, for someone
to change their gender on their passport. Low-income trans adults could
be blocked from using Medicaid to pay for treatment that doctors have
deemed vital to their well-being.
The
Biden administration reinstated many of the protections Trump had
eliminated, and the judiciary has thus far curbed the most extreme
aspects of the conservative anti-trans agenda. In 2020, the Supreme
Court ruled that, contrary to the assertions of Trump’s Justice
Department, the Civil Rights Act protects LGBTQ people from employment
discrimination.
A federal judge issued a
temporary restraining order preventing the investigations that Governor
Abbott had ordered in Texas. But in a second term, Trump would surely
seek to appoint more judges opposed to queer causes. He would also
resume his first-term efforts to promote an interpretation of religious
freedom that allows for unequal treatment of minorities. In May 2019,
his Housing and Urban Development Department proposed a measure that
would have permitted federally funded homeless shelters to turn away
transgender individuals on the basis of religious freedom. A 2023
Supreme Court decision affirming a Christian graphic designer’s refusal
to work with gay couples will invite more attempts to narrow the spaces
and services to which queer people are guaranteed access.
The
social impact of Trump’s reelection would only further encourage such
discrimination. He has long espoused old-fashioned ideas about what it
means to look and act male and female. Now the leader of the Republican
Party is using his platform to push the notion that people who depart
from those ideas deserve punishment. As some Republicans have engaged in
queer-bashing rhetoric in recent years—including the libel that
queerness is pedophilia by another name—hate crimes motivated by gender
identity and sexuality have risen, terrifying a population that was
never able to take its safety for granted. Victims of violence have
included people who were merely suspected of nonconformity, such as the
59-year-old woman in Indiana who was killed in 2023 by a neighbor who
believed her to be “a man acting like a woman.”
If
Trump’s stoking of gender panic proves to be a winning national
strategy, everyday deviation from outmoded and rigid norms could invite
scorn or worse. And children will grow up in a more repressive and
dangerous America than has existed in a long time.
"What struck me from the first day I met Mr. Trump was his unquenchable thirst to be the center of attention. No amount of external recognition ever seemed to be enough. Beneath his bluster and his bombast, he struck me as one of the most insecure people I’d ever met — and one of the least self-aware. He’d crossed the bridge from Queens to Manhattan but he remained the product — and even the prisoner — of his childhood experiences. As he told a reporter in 2015, “When I look at myself in the first grade and I look at myself now, I’m basically the same.”
When children can’t get what they need from their primary caretakers, they eventually turn to other means. For Mr. Trump, that seemed to manifest in relentlessly seeking attention and recognition from an early age, and measuring his value comparatively and by the numbers — whether it was his net worth, the height of his buildings or the number of people who attend his rallies. Early on, Mr. Trump figured out that sufficient bravado and bold assertions — even if they were false — could often substitute for actual accomplishments, especially if he repeated them often enough."
read more.>
I Was Trump’s Ghostwriter. A New Biopic Gets the Most Important Thing Right. – DNyuz
"I am nonetheless prepared to make the case that George R. R. Martin simply does not want to finish writing The Winds of Winter.
He’s just not into it. If he continues to force himself to do it, the end result will probably be a pretty terrible book — and I think he knows that, and that’s why he can’t finish it, because he doesn’t want to publish a bad book. The alternative? We don’t get the book at all. And for me, that’s actually preferable."
read article by Maddy Myers
If George R. R. Martin doesn’t want to write Winds of Winter, that’s OK | Polygon:
Vou si´mbora pró meu Ceará porque lá tenho um nome
aqui não sou nada sou só Zé com fome sou só Pau de
Arara
nem sei mais cantá
Vou pica minha mula vou antes que tudo rebente
porque estou achando que o tempo tá quente
pior do que antes não pode ficar.
The war has no end in sight. Even if it were to stop today, the cost of rebuilding Gaza would be staggering.
In the first eight months alone, a U.N. preliminary assessment said, the war created 39 million tons of rubble, containing unexploded bombs, asbestos, other hazardous substances and even human remains. In May, a World Bank report estimated it could take 80 years to rebuild the homes that have been destroyed.
But for Gazans, neither time nor money can replace all that has been lost.
If the trauma of previous generations of Palestinians was displacement, Mr. Jawda said, it is now also the feeling of an identity being erased: “Destroying a place destroys a part of who you are.”
Ao contrário do personagem maior da obra de Samuel Beckett, o aguardado ataque de retaliação israelense contra o Irã não se fará esperar nem ficará em suspenso. Dele tivemos notícia ominosa nesta semana.
— O ataque será letal, preciso e particularmente surpreendente — informou o ministro da Defesa, Yoav Gallant, a integrantes do Serviço de Inteligência Militar do seu país. E acrescentou, sem avançar em demasia no arrosto:
— Eles [os iranianos] só compreenderão o que houve quando já tiver acontecido.
Para quem, semanas atrás, conseguiu fazer explodir milhares de pagers e celulares em mãos do até então formidável inimigo Hezbollah, deve ser tentador surfar na superioridade militar. Difícil é conseguir desescalar.
Por ora, além de prosseguir no sangramento de Gaza, Israel intensifica seus bombardeios com invasão terrestre no Líbano, abusa da força contra palestinos na Cisjordânia, alcança inimigos no Iêmen, Síria, Iraque e prepara sua resposta-surpresa aos quase 200 mísseis iranianos disparados contra seu território. Também as relações do governo de Israel com a paquidérmica ONU atingem pontos de fervura. O primeiro-ministro Benjamin Netanyahu simplesmente ignora as resoluções da entidade, que qualifica de “pântano de bile antissemita”. Outro dia, seu chanceler, Israel Katz, de modos e pavio curtos, declarou persona non grata o próprio António Guterres, secretário-geral da organização. Na semana passada, um tanque israelense em território libanês atingiu uma torre de observação da Unifil, sigla da força de paz internacional naquela fronteira encrencada, fazendo quatro feridos.
A Unifil tem um contingente de 10 mil “capacetes azuis” de 50 nacionalidades de integrantes da ONU. Nunca conseguiu impedir o enraizamento militar do Hezbollah no sul do Líbano — nem tentou. Por suspeitar que a milícia xiita tem usado essa proximidade como escudo, Israel chegou a emitir uma quase ordem para que a missão de paz se afastasse de algumas posições. Pedido negado. No dia seguinte, o porta-voz das Forças de Defesa de Israel (FDI), general Daniel Hagari, fez uma transmissão em inglês do interior de uma casa que disse situada na região conflagrada. Do vilarejo, veem-se apenas escombros, e o imóvel em questão está em ruínas.
— Venham comigo — convida Hagari, passando a circular pelo que resta amontoado: coletes, capacetes, granadas, rifles de precisão, de mira telescópica com visão noturna, explosivos. — Tudo empilhado para a grande invasão... um massacre em grande escala maior do que o 7 de Outubro.
O general encerra a transmissão afirmando que cada casa da região é uma base do Hezbollah e que haverão de ser eliminadas.
— Esta é uma invasão limitada e dirigida à parte norte de Israel, ok? — conclui.
Não ok. Um quarto do território do Líbano já foi submetido a ordens de evacuação por parte das FDI, com o deslocamento forçado da população em mais de cem vilas do sul e alguns subúrbios da capital densamente habitados por xiitas. Numa mensagem de vídeo dirigida a seus vizinhos bombardeados, o próprio Netanyahu lhes oferece o que seria uma escolha: “A oportunidade de salvar o Líbano antes que ele caia no abismo de uma longa guerra, que resultará em destruição e sofrimento semelhante ao que vemos em Gaza”. Por meio de seu comunicado, o primeiro-ministro garante que o Hezbollah já está enfraquecido e que, além de matar o líder máximo Hassan Nasrallah, também seu substituto e o substituto do substituto foram eliminados, cabendo portanto à população erradicar esse braço armado do Irã. Ou então, Gaza.
Gaza 1 — Na semana passada, o bombardeio de uma escola em Deir al Balah apinhada de deslocados gerou imagens ainda não vistas mesmo para quem acompanha diariamente a desumanização no enclave. Nacos, muitos nacos de carne humana e pedaços de gente sendo recolhidos por mãos aflitas, jogados num grande lençol que foi se enchendo de matéria humana ainda mole. Ao final, o grande lençol também foi levado para o hospital Al-Aqsa, com os feridos e mortos ainda inteiros.
Gaza 2 — Também na semana passada, três hospitais ainda funcionando parcialmente no setor norte de Gaza receberam prazo de 24 horas para a evacuação total de equipes médicas e pacientes. O diretor de uma das unidades, o Kamal Adwan Hospital — único da região com UTI pediátrica —, lançou um apelo ao mundo, por meio da rede noticiosa ABC News, para evitar o fechamento da unidade:
— Estes civis são inocentes, são mulheres, crianças — argumenta em árabe, enquanto mostra pacientes atrelados aos aparelhos que lhes dão vida.
Entre eles, um bebê, várias crianças entubadas, os corpos com estilhaços. É preciso contar, diz o doutor Husam Abu Safiyeh.
Sim, é preciso. É o que fazemos aqui.
GLOBO
ilustração MARCELO
Carluxo não está sozinho. Em diferentes capitais, candidatos de extrema direita foram campeões de voto para vereador. Com discurso agressivo e foco nas redes sociais, eles encabeçaram as listas de eleitos em cidades como São Paulo, Belo Horizonte e Manaus.
Aos 26 anos, o tiktoker Lucas Pavanato despontou como fenômeno na eleição paulistana. Bolsonarista de carteirinha, passou a campanha produzindo polêmicas e factoides para viralizar na internet. Apostou na transfobia e na retórica anticomunista para chegar ao poder.
Sem largar o celular, ele vestiu uma peruca de mulher, infiltrou-se em atos da esquerda e quase transformou um estúdio de podcast em ringue de luta livre. Para atrair eleitores radicalizados, apresentou propostas como “proibir trans no banheiro feminino” e “investigar grupos terroristas que invadem propriedades”. Foi um sucesso. Recebeu 160 mil votos, o melhor desempenho entre mais de 58 mil vereadores eleitos em todo o país.
Em Belo Horizonte, Pablo Almeida liderou a votação para a Câmara Municipal com a promessa de defender “a moral e os bons costumes”. Evangélico, investiu no discurso contra o aborto, a chamada ideologia de gênero e a linguagem neutra. “Quem usa todes é analfabetes”, provocou, copiando o xará que concorreu à Prefeitura de São Paulo.
Ex-assessor de Nikolas Ferreira, ele usou o método do jovem deputado para causar repúdio e atrair atenção. Numa das publicações para inflamar feministas, compartilhou a foto de uma grávida com a legenda “Não é seu corpo. Não é sua escolha”. Os truques bombaram suas redes e o ajudaram a receber quase 40 mil votos.
Em Manaus, Alexandre Salazar pôs a farda e a patente a serviço da candidatura a vereador. Com o apelido de Sargento Salazar, ele seguiu a receita da bancada da bala: ostentou armas, exaltou a violência policial e encenou abordagens truculentas, em que suspeitos eram chamados de “arrombados” e “vagabundos”.
Na reta final da campanha, o dublê de PM e youtuber foi presenteado com um vídeo de Pablo Marçal, que o descreveu como “um dos nossos”. Teve mais de 22 mil votos.
Pavanato, Almeida e Salazar são filiados ao PL, o partido de Jair Bolsonaro. Os três adotaram a mesma estratégia para se eleger. Insuflaram o ódio, estimularam o pânico moral e deixaram de lado os desafios reais de suas cidades.
A julgar pelo exemplo carioca, isso não é problema para o eleitor desses tipos. Enquanto o pai era presidente, Carlos Bolsonaro foi mais visto no Palácio do Planalto, em Brasília, do que no Palácio Pedro Ernesto, na Cinelândia. Seu mandato só foi notícia pelas investigações sobre rachadinhas e funcionários-fantasmas.
Apesar do desdém pelas tarefas legislativas, Carluxo se tornou o vereador mais votado da história do Rio. Garantiu o sétimo mandato consecutivo com mais de 130 mil votos.
GLOBO
"The Gaza Strip is in ruins.
There are hills of rubble where apartment blocks stood, and pools of sewage-tainted water spreading disease. City streets have been churned into dirt canyons and, in many places, the air is filled with the stench of unrecovered corpses."
read more>>
"Within days of Trump’s election, his key immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, was already gathering a group of loyal bureaucrats to start drafting executive orders. Civil servants who were veterans of the George W. Bush administration found the proposals to be so outlandishly impractical, if not also harmful to American interests and perhaps even illegal, that they assumed the ideas could never come to fruition. They were wrong. Over the next four years, lone children were loaded onto planes and sent back to the countries they had fled without so much as a notification to their families. Others were wrenched from their parents’ arms as a way of sending a message to other families abroad about what awaited them if they, too, tried to enter the United States."
read article by Caitlin Dickerson
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