"A total of 42m tonnes of debris lies across the territory, the UN has said. Clearing the rubble, which contains human remains and unexploded ordnance, then rebuilding, could take 80 years, and cost more than $80bn (£61bn)."
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Fragmentos de textos e imagens catadas nesta tela, capturadas desta web, varridas de jornais, revistas, livros, sons, filtradas pelos olhos e ouvidos e escorrendo pelos dedos para serem derramadas sobre as teclas... e viverem eterna e instanta neamente num logradouro digital. Desagua douro de pensa mentos.
"The inside story of how the producers of “The Apprentice” crafted a TV version of Mr. Trump — measured, thoughtful and endlessly wealthy — that ultimately fueled his path to the White House.
read the newstory by Russ Buettner and Susanne Craig
"Dizem que Yahya Sinwar, de 61 anos, passou a maior parte do tempo escondido nos túneis sob a Faixa de Gaza, junto a um grupo de guarda-costas e um "escudo humano" de reféns capturados em Israel.
Mas, por fim, parece que ele foi morto durante um encontro por acaso com uma patrulha israelense no sul de Gaza. O grupo de guarda-costas dele era pequeno. Nenhum refém foi encontrado.
Os detalhes ainda estão vindo à tona, mas aqui está o que sabemos até agora sobre o assassinato de Sinwar."}}
read report by Graeme Baker
Yahya Sinwar: como Israel achou e matou o líder do Hamas - BBC News Brasil
"A total of 42m tonnes of debris lies across the territory, the UN has said. Clearing the rubble, which contains human remains and unexploded ordnance, then rebuilding, could take 80 years, and cost more than $80bn (£61bn)."
seeit here>>
How a year of war laid waste the Gaza Strip – visualised | World news | The Guardian
"He rambles, he repeats himself, he roams from thought to thought — some of them hard to understand, some of them unfinished, some of them factually fantastical. He voices outlandish claims that seem to be made up out of whole cloth. He digresses into bizarre tangents about golf, about sharks, about his own “beautiful” body. He relishes “a great day in Louisiana” after spending the day in Georgia. He expresses fear that North Korea is “trying to kill me” when he presumably means Iran. As late as last month, Trump was still speaking as if he were running against President Joe Biden, five weeks after his withdrawal from the race.
He seems confused about modern technology, suggesting that “most people don’t have any idea what the hell a phone app is” in a country where 96% of people own a smartphone. If sometimes he seems stuck in the 1990s, there are moments when he pines for the 1890s. "
read anaysis by Peter Baker & Dylan Freedman
Trump’s speeches, increasingly angry and rambling, reignite the question of age | The Seattle Times
"Netanyahu has long wanted to show that he is a historic figure, not just a tactician always maneuvering to stay alive politically — but never ready to take a big risk to change history.
Well, this is his moment.
Will he cross the Rubicon or do what he usually does — just dog paddle in the middle of it and tell those on each side that he is coming their way?"
READ COLUMN BY THOMAS FRIEDMAN
How the Biden Team Plans to Build Peace From Sinwar’s Death – DNyuz
Os debates sobre o retorno do
manto tupinambá ao País são reveladores
das novas políticas em torno da memória
"A pergunta que ficou no ar é por que
Marçal, que tinha adotado uma postura
de candidato sério e com propostas no
debate da TV Globo, partiu para uma ati-
tude como essa?
Hipóteses não faltam"
LEIA ARTIGO DE FABIO KERCHE
" Findo o primeiro turno das eleições municipais de 2024, muito se falou sobre o crescimento da direita no Brasil, prenunciando a eleição de um Congresso ainda mais conservador em 2026, pois o melhor preditor da eleição congressual são as disputas municipais que a antecedem. Esclareçamos, porém, de qual direita se fala. Podemos falar de ao menos três no atinente ao sistema partidário.""
"Além de Ave Maria, tocou também “November Rain”, do Guns N’ Roses, a versão de “Hallelujah”, de Rufus Wainwright, e Elvis. O evento só terminou quando Tump deixou o palco."
leia mais>
His campaign is promising a more repressive and dangerous America.
by Spencer Kornhaber
After decades of gains in public acceptance, the LGBTQ community is confronting a climate in which political leaders are once again calling them weirdos and predators. Texas Governor Greg Abbott has directed the Department of Family and Protective Services to investigate the parents of transgender children; Governor Ron DeSantis has tried to purge Florida classrooms of books that acknowledge the reality that some people aren’t straight or cisgender; Missouri has imposed rules that limit access to gender-affirming care for trans people of all ages. Donald Trump is promising to nationalize such efforts. He doesn’t just want to surveil, miseducate, and repress children who are exploring their emerging identities. He wants to interfere in the private lives of millions of adults, revoking freedoms that any pluralistic society should protect.
During his 2016
campaign, Trump seemed to think that feigning sympathy for queer people
was good PR. “I will do everything in my power to protect our LGBTQ
citizens,” he promised. Then, while in office, he oversaw a broad
rollback of LGBTQ protections, removing gender identity and sexuality
from federal nondiscrimination provisions regarding health care,
employment, and housing. His Defense Department restricted soldiers’
right to transition and banned trans people from enlisting; his State
Department refused to issue visas to the same-sex domestic partners of
diplomats. Yet when seeking reelection in 2020, Trump still made a show
of throwing a Pride-themed rally.
Now, recognizing that red-state
voters have been energized by anti-queer demagoguery, he’s not even
pretending to be tolerant. “These people are sick; they are deranged,”
Trump said during a speech, amid a rant about transgender athletes in
June. When the audience cheered at his mention of “transgender
insanity,” he marveled, “It’s amazing how strongly people feel about
that. You see, I’m talking about cutting taxes, people go like that.” He
pantomimed weak applause. “But you mention transgender, everyone goes
crazy.” The rhetoric has become a fixture of his rallies.
Trump
is now running on a 10-point “Plan to Protect Children From Left-Wing
Gender Insanity.” Its aim is not simply to interfere with parents’
rights to shape their kids’ health and education in consultation with
doctors and teachers; it’s to effectively end trans people’s existence
in the eyes of the government. Trump will call on Congress to establish a
national definition of gender as being strictly binary and immutable
from birth. He also wants to use executive action to cease all federal
“programs that promote the concept of sex and gender transition at any
age.” If enacted, those measures could open the door to all sorts of
administrative cruelties—making it impossible, for example, for someone
to change their gender on their passport. Low-income trans adults could
be blocked from using Medicaid to pay for treatment that doctors have
deemed vital to their well-being.
The
Biden administration reinstated many of the protections Trump had
eliminated, and the judiciary has thus far curbed the most extreme
aspects of the conservative anti-trans agenda. In 2020, the Supreme
Court ruled that, contrary to the assertions of Trump’s Justice
Department, the Civil Rights Act protects LGBTQ people from employment
discrimination.
A federal judge issued a
temporary restraining order preventing the investigations that Governor
Abbott had ordered in Texas. But in a second term, Trump would surely
seek to appoint more judges opposed to queer causes. He would also
resume his first-term efforts to promote an interpretation of religious
freedom that allows for unequal treatment of minorities. In May 2019,
his Housing and Urban Development Department proposed a measure that
would have permitted federally funded homeless shelters to turn away
transgender individuals on the basis of religious freedom. A 2023
Supreme Court decision affirming a Christian graphic designer’s refusal
to work with gay couples will invite more attempts to narrow the spaces
and services to which queer people are guaranteed access.
The
social impact of Trump’s reelection would only further encourage such
discrimination. He has long espoused old-fashioned ideas about what it
means to look and act male and female. Now the leader of the Republican
Party is using his platform to push the notion that people who depart
from those ideas deserve punishment. As some Republicans have engaged in
queer-bashing rhetoric in recent years—including the libel that
queerness is pedophilia by another name—hate crimes motivated by gender
identity and sexuality have risen, terrifying a population that was
never able to take its safety for granted. Victims of violence have
included people who were merely suspected of nonconformity, such as the
59-year-old woman in Indiana who was killed in 2023 by a neighbor who
believed her to be “a man acting like a woman.”
If
Trump’s stoking of gender panic proves to be a winning national
strategy, everyday deviation from outmoded and rigid norms could invite
scorn or worse. And children will grow up in a more repressive and
dangerous America than has existed in a long time.
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