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Fragmentos de textos e imagens catadas nesta tela, capturadas desta web, varridas de jornais, revistas, livros, sons, filtradas pelos olhos e ouvidos e escorrendo pelos dedos para serem derramadas sobre as teclas... e viverem eterna e instanta neamente num logradouro digital. Desagua douro de pensa mentos.
JON STEWART :
When I was a young man, 13, 14 years old, if I got a hold of the Sears catalog and there was a picture of a woman in a bra in it, I was like, “This is the most sexually exciting and arousing image.” And as you get older, that doesn’t work on you anymore. And you get to that point where you’re like, “Three people, a goat and someone singing Pavarotti.”
You have to keep stimulating people further and further to different extremities to get that same hit of dopamine. And those apps and that media, especially now, are scientifically designed purposefully — like the woman who was blowing the whistle on Facebook, like our food is designed to escape that part of your brain that says, “I should stop eating right now.” Like, this is purposeful.
The way that we are divided as people, some of it is political and weaponized by political actors, but the majority of it is capitalism. Capitalism with the idea of “How do I generate the most income out of engagement?” And it turns out fear and anger and hate and outrage pay huge.
I’m not suggesting that a monkey washing a cat isn’t a tremendous video, and that will also get clicks, but that’s not a business model. The business model is creating an atmosphere of outrage and anger. And so when you ask, does that have an effect? It absolutely does. And I think it does rewire the brains of the users.
Jeffrey St. Clair>>
+ Harris’s flip-flop on fracking is emblematic of her entire campaign, a relatively minor issue that gave devastating insight into her vacuous political character. She could never explain it because the only explanation was pure political calculation (and a bad one). She was willing to invalidate her climate policy to court a few thousand votes in Pennsylvania. It was the equivalent of Hillary telling Goldman Sachs she had one policy in public and another in private. But even more inept. How could you make the campaign about honesty & trust, once you’d shown yourself to be dishonest and untrustworthy on an issue you’d described as being an existential threat to human life on earth?
+ Harris sold out the climate movement (and the climate) and still lost Pennsylvania…
"Yet for much of this election year, the populists’ modern-day successors in the Democrats have served up an anti-populism: telling voters they were wrong.
Americans were told they were wrong to see the corrosion of Joe Biden’s abilities, and wrong to think that his replacement should not be decided in a giant backroom stitch-up. They were wrong not to enjoy the US economic miracle, and wrong not to worry about the future of democracy. Black and brown people and students were wrong to expect the party to oppose the bloodbath in Gaza. Latinos were ungrateful to desert the party of racial equality, while Black men were boneheaded not to back a Black woman. Everyone was wrong not to lap up the rallies opened by Beyoncé and Usher, the skits on Saturday Night Live and that clip of Barack Obama rapping. Why couldn’t they just feel the joy?"
read analysis by Aditya Chakrabortty |
Jeffrey St. Clair >>
+ Like Hubert Humphrey, Harris was saddled with an unpopular war (a war & a genocide in her case) that her own boss was waging. Humphrey tried to break from LBJ on Vietnam but too late. Harris never did.
+ Harris’s stubborn refusal to separate herself from Biden to any degree went so far as to turn her campaign over to his campaign staff, the same brilliant strategic minds that had him trailing Trump by 10 to 15 points in July…
+ Harris had very different policies when she ran against him in 2016, maybe she should’ve stuck with a few of them, instead of saying stuff like her beliefs haven’t changed but her position on fracking/national health care/the border/ have….
+ In what was obviously going to be a “change” election, when Harris had the chance to differentiate herself from Biden, she said there wasn’t a “thing she could think of” she’d do differently…
"Pundits will say toxic masculinity was to blame—and men feeling usurped by women. They’ll say it was the Christian nationalism movement. A surprising shift in Latino voting patterns. Sexism. Racism. Transphobia. Elon Musk. Crypto bros. “Theo bros.” Housing prices. Gaza! Propaganda from Fox News and Newsmax. Misinformation on X.
Perhaps it was the cowardice of powerful men like Jeff Bezos and Jamie Dimon. The anti-immigrant frenzy—Trump’s incessant false claims about vicious murderers and rapists and mental patients swarming across the border like locusts. Property crime. Inflation. Interest rates. Lingering malaise from the pandemic. The Democrats’ failure to sell their economic wins. Kamala Harris’ inability to distance herself from an unpopular president.
Or maybe a combination of all these things. Gender and Gaza clearly made a difference. Inflation is a notorious regime killer—it was high inflation that underpinned the rise of fascism in Europe in the last century—and rising wages haven’t kept pace. When the Dems say, “Look, inflation is back to normal,” well, the price of groceries sure ain’t.
But I’m talking here about something even more basic, something that undergirds so much of America’s discontent. The best explanation, after all, is often the simplest:
Wealth inequality."
READ MORE>>
Why Did Trump Really Win? It’s Simple, Actually. – Mother Jones
O cenário político dos Estados Unidos virou mais uma página inesperada, e Donald Trump, com sua postura de líder direto e inflexível, reconquistou o coração de milhões. A esquerda progressista, perplexa, agora enfrenta um desafio crucial: entender e aplicar a receita que, goste-se ou não, trouxe o ex-presidente de volta ao poder.
O recado é claro: a velha fórmula baseada em debates e diplomacia calculada mostrou-se insuficiente. Enquanto a esquerda permaneceu apegada a ideais e estereótipos de um passado que já não se traduz em votos, Trump mostrou-se apto a capturar o medo e o descontentamento popular, demonstrando-se a solução preferida contra a desordem e a incerteza.
Para a esquerda que se diz progressista, a urgência do momento é evidente. Se deseja retornar ao poder, precisará abandonar a linguagem política desgastada e adotar uma comunicação que vá além dos chavões e estereótipos do passado.
Precisa aprender a falar não apenas sobre igualdade e justiça, mas sobre o que as pessoas comuns sentem nas ruas e em suas casas —e isso com uma modernidade, clareza e energia que ainda lhe faltam.
Se a esquerda quiser ter chances reais de reverter o cenário nos EUA e evitar que o mesmo aconteça no Brasil, terá que se adaptar ao jogo dessa comunicação moderna que entende a urgência das demandas e que fala com um público cansado das promessas repetidas e que já não enxerga nas lideranças progressistas as respostas necessárias.
O maior problema é que a esquerda progressista, mesmo após a primeira vitória de Trump, e de Bolsonaro também, não conseguiu, não soube, ou não quis aprender as lições que estes líderes populistas deram. Continuou presa a um vocabulário e a uma estética que já não seduzem nem sensibilizam. Não bastam mais discursos de solidariedade abstrata; é preciso mostrar ação, determinação e autenticidade, como fizeram seus adversário
Em vez de seguir lamentando perdas ou demonizando a oposição, a esquerda progressista precisa agora aprender a criar uma narrativa de futuro, que ofereça uma alternativa real e concreta às ansiedades das pessoas e também descer do seu pedestal de superioridade intelectual e fazer-se à vida. Escutem: não há ninguém aqui melhor que os outros.
Em tempos em que as fake news e os apelos emocionais tomam conta do discurso público, a esquerda precisa reinventar sua comunicação e se reconectar de forma eficaz com o cidadão comum, adotando uma linguagem de empoderamento e esperança, que seja simultaneamente convincente e moderna.
Não é apenas sobre o que se diz, mas sobre como se faz ouvir. Se essa lição não for aprendida de imediato, veremos repetirem-se aqui no Brasil as mesmas vitórias que hoje chegam dos Estados Unidos.
FOLHA
So, it will be Trump, after all. The very idea of another Trump presidency is devastating. His entire campaign consisted of unbridled race-baiting, woman-hating and fascist-in-waiting messaging, yet still he prevails. This is what succeeds in this country?
The answer, it’s now clear, is a resounding yes. Should I be surprised? There are long and painful histories of racism, misogyny and fascism in this country (the Nazis even studied the US when crafting their regime). But, unlike any other nation’s election, this American tragedy will reverberate around the world. We must do all that we can to prevent a Trump presidency turning into even more of a death sentence not just for American women seeking abortions, but also for Ukrainians, Lebanese people and especially Palestinians.
Hindsight is easy, of course, but some of us have been warning the Democrats for months about the limitations of the Harris campaign. The Democrats appeared more interested in courting disaffected Republicans, including war criminals such as Dick Cheney, than even merely dialoguing with their progressive flank. They refused to allow a Palestinian American to take the stage at their convention. Meanwhile, American bombs are dropped daily on Palestinians in what is widely considered a genocide, and Harris has had little to say.
In fact, Harris probably had little to say about a lot of issues, so much so that the news site Axios labeled her the “‘no comment’ candidate”. The Republicans ran their campaign as a party of hate; the Democrats ran as a party that stood for almost nothing. Between hate and nothing, hate won.
This must be the most profound wake-up call the Democratic party has ever heard. They must stop trying to be moderate Republicans and instead stand for equal justice, working people and human rights for everyone. Saying that they do just isn’t enough.
The Democrats thought all the hate emanating from the Trump campaign was simply an emotion that they could neutralize by their expressions of “joy”. But what if hate isn’t an emotion? What if it’s an ideology? The answer to that question is what we, and the rest of the world, are about to find out. Pray for us.
Moustafa Bayoumi is a Guardian US columnist
"Why did Vincent van Gogh paint a skeleton smoking a cigarette? His 1886 painting doesn’t quite seem to fit into his larger output, one teeming with swirling landscapes and emotive portraits."
read article by NINA SIEGEL
JAMARI FRANÇA
"Much of the fallout of a Trump victory is unknowable. But this much is certain: Returned to the White House, Trump would get input from — and award key positions to — a bestiary of nihilists, destructionists and even criminals unlike any collection of advisers that any other president assembled. They’d be unscrupulous in all fashions but one: unswerving loyalty to Trump. He fumed about what he saw as a lack of that among his previous cadre of helpmates. The coming coterie would affirm Trump’s worst impulses, nurture his nuttiest ideas and gleefully carry out his orders.
The first time around, Trump cared about impressing the Washington crowd and was fixated on what he believed to be the high I.Q.s of his department and agency heads. He made them sound like the Incredibles.
The current team in waiting? They’re the Unconfirmables."
read column by FRANK BRUNI
Elon Musk, Robert Kennedy and the Unconfirmables of a Second Trump Administration – DNyuz
"O horror nauseante de uma cena dura poucos segundos e é intercalado com a certeza de que tudo é falso.
O terror do mundo real vai durar para sempre.
Mas 70 por cento dos meus conterrâneos são indiferentes."
leia texto de Fabio Dal Molin
Terror em Porto Alegre: da violência da ficção ao concreto - Por Fabio Dal Molin | Revista Fórum
"The key to understanding the Trump era is that the real divide in America is not between left and right but between pro-system and anti-system politics. Pro-system politics is the bipartisan consensus of establishment Democrats and Republicans: It’s the politics of NATO and other military alliances, of trade agreements, and of deference to economists (as when they say that price gouging isn’t the cause of inflation). Trump stands for no fixed ideology but rather a general thumbing of the nose at this consensus."
read article by Jeet Heer
This Time We Have to Hold the Democratic Party Elite Responsible for This Catastrophe | The Nation
"Olha, a “maior democracia do mundo” (alguém ainda acredita nisso?) foi projetada desde o início para ser antidemocrática. James Madison, o “pai da Constituição”, reverenciado por ambos os partidos, escreveu de forma célebre que o sistema de governo que ele e seus amigos da elite projetaram serviria para evitar “a tirania da maioria” – que é como as pessoas ricas e eruditas da época aparentemente se referiam à “democracia”.
"Os Estados Unidos são um país quebrado, com um império em rápido desmoronamento, corrupção legalizada para os oligarcas correndo solta e uma população cada vez mais raivosa e desesperada. Essa eleição é uma triste prova de que ninguém deve olhar para este país como fonte de inspiração ou coragem. Se este sonho existia, já acabou. "
mais no artigo de Andrew Fishman
"Newman, who grew up in Pittsburgh and conducted dozens of interviews with current and retired union members in western Pennsylvania, including Herman Sauritch, told me that she had noticed a pronounced change in whom workers saw as their enemies. For older union members, “ ‘us’ was the workers and ‘them’ was business, which Republicans were lumped into,” she said. For their younger counterparts, “ ‘them’ was largely based on perceptions of a cultural élite.”
This new conception has taken hold, in no small part, because conservative media outlets, from Fox News to talk radio, have relentlessly propagated it. But Democrats also bear some responsibility for the shift. Michael Podhorzer, a former political director of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., noted that, in the nineteen-seventies, Democrats began telling a story about economic progress that made almost no mention of the conflict between workers and capitalists. From Jimmy Carter to Bill Clinton and on through to Barack Obama, the new narrative was “a variation of the Republican story that prosperity comes from unencumbered businesses,” Podhorzer said. This faith in markets would have startled pioneering labor leaders like Walter Reuther. The Democrats’ business-friendly turn occurred, ironically enough, just as inequality was widening to levels not seen since the Gilded Age—a problem that deepened as Democrats embraced free-trade agreements. They also supported the deregulation of Wall Street, which helped cause the 2008 financial crash. After the meltdown, the Obama Administration bailed out banks that had engaged in fraud but did little for the homeowners they had victimized, who could hardly have been faulted for wondering whose side the government was on."
Five ways a Trump presidency would be disastrous for the climate | US elections 2024 | The Guardian
"Eleição presidencial nos Estados Unidos, na próxima terça (5/11), talvez seja as mais decisiva e impactante da história do país. Caso vitorioso, Donald Trump voltaria ao poder com o Partido Republicano totalmente submisso às suas vontades e uma Suprema Corte mais favorável, o que lhe daria carta branca para implementar agenda mais extremada que abalaria a ordem global. A democrata Kamala Harris, por sua vez, representa uma esquerda que, emparedada pela polarização, oferece uma continuidade frágil do sistema, sem força para renovação."
leia analise de CARLOS GUSTAVO POGGIO
"The strategy has been accompanied by Harris moving to the centre by jettisoning previously held leftwing positions such as Medicare for all and support for a fracking ban, while embracing a tougher stance on immigration, Trump’s most emblematic campaign theme.
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