Prioridades

GILMAR

 

 

Entre a favela, o inferno e o céu

 

Morador da Maré, Douglas Lopes usa fotografia para transformar o cotidiano despercebido da favela em arte

 

Alan Souza

 

Sempre vivendo a realidade do Complexo da Maré, na Zona Norte do Rio, Douglas Lopes aprendeu a calibrar o olhar para encontrar beleza onde estamos acostumados a não enxergá-la. Seja em garrafas coloridas empilhadas numa estante, seja no voo sincronizado de pombos que se agrupam em torno de um amontoado de lixo, o fotógrafo carioca de 35 anos capta o cotidiano da favela a partir de instantes que se revelam em cores chamativas ou no preto e branco.

Na exposição “Entre a favela, o inferno e o céu”, em cartaz na Fábrica Bhering, no Santo Cristo, na Zona Portuária da capital fluminense, Douglas apresenta essas imagens pela primeira vez fora da Maré. Antes, ele havia feito mostras individuais em espaços culturais do próprio complexo.

— A realização em outro local não muda a exposição em si. Mas aqui (na Fábrica Bhering), ouço a percepção de outras pessoas que não tinham acesso às obras antes. De repente, vejo que muitas das nossas realidades se encontram — afirma o artista.

Douglas Lopes — Foto: Divulgação

Fotografando desde criança, quando pegava a câmera analógica da mãe para fazer registros (“Ela revelava as fotos e depois falava: ‘Não, mas você usou o filme para fazer isso’”), Douglas passou a trabalhar como office boy e estudava à noite em cursos na própria região onde vivia, como na Escola de Cinema Olhares da Maré, no Centro de Estudos e Ações Solidárias da Maré e no Observatório de Favelas (depois, ele ainda se especializou num curso técnico voltado para filmagem cinematográfica na UFRJ). E começou a trabalhar profissionalmente com fotografia em 2014.

Nos últimos anos, Douglas colaborou em produções como o documentário “Marielle” (2020), dirigido por Caio Cavechini e Eliane Scardovelli para o Globoplay, no qual assina a direção de fotografia. A obra retrata a trajetória da vereadora carioca — que ele conhecia de perto — assassinada em 2018. Em 2023, foi indicado ao prêmio Mast Photography Grant on Industry and Work, na Itália.

'Dois de janeiro', de Douglas Lopes — Foto: Divulgação

Com a câmera na mão desde cedo, a relação com o equipamento se aprofundou de um jeito natural de forma que uma simples reunião em família, ele diz, pode ser combustível para uma criação artística:

— Quando acordo e dou bom dia para a minha vizinha ou quando a gente faz um churrasco na laje, está ali, de uma forma ou de outra, também se conectando com as outras lajes que estão ao redor e com as outras pessoas que moram por perto. Tudo isso faz parte dessa criação, que às vezes é muito natural — observa. — Às vezes, nem percebo que estou criando alguma coisa. Só vou entender depois que aquilo foi uma parte crucial para a criação de determinado trabalho.

Curador da exposição na Bhering, Vinicius Mesquita afirma que Douglas tem um “olhar muito atento para o cotidiano”, característica que faz com que suas obras estejam repletas de cenas da “realidade” que muitas vezes passam despercebidas.

— Quando a gente olha para a cidade e para o urbano, sempre tem muito ruído. A cidade é muito ruidosa, tem muita coisa, e eu consigo ver que o Douglas não só olha, ele enxerga a cidade. Ele consegue captar momentos da cidade em que as pessoas não estão olhando para aquilo que está acontecendo. É uma relação de instantes em que ele consegue, em segundos, captar a essência daquilo e documentar — diz o curador. — Consegue extrair beleza, criar simetrias, uniformidades em projetos que transformam em uma obra de arte algo que as pessoas veem, mas não enxergam.

Fotografia que compõe a instalação 'Círculo de fogo' (2026), de Douglas Lopes — Foto: Douglas Lopes

Vinicius diz ainda que, muitas vezes, é como se “a própria foto acontecesse para Douglas”, sem pretensão. Dessa forma, surgem fotografias como a panorâmica em que um arco-íris aparece sobre as lajes da Maré, abraçando a comunidade, ou uma em que um garoto surge sozinho na proa de uma canoa em meio à Baía de Guanabara, rodeado por outras embarcações vazias.

Quando parece estar em um lugar um tanto mais controlado, Douglas registra o movimento dos alunos do Núcleo de Formação em Dança do Centro de Artes da Maré — são 13 fotografias que foram impressas sobre tecido para a instalação “Círculo de Fogo” (2026). Mas o artista realiza uma sobreposição de imagens que confere movimentos mágicos aos bailarinos, que por diversas vezes aparecem em grupo.

— Não há outro método de vida que não a coletividade. Isso é o que a favela nos ensina desde que nascemos — reflete ele ao traçar um paralelo entre o trabalho dos bailarinos e a vida na Maré. — Mostro às pessoas que existe um mundo de possibilidades na favela: a gente tem trabalho, tecnologia, preservação da vida e da nossa memória 

 

 o globo

 

The Big Question Looming Over Brazil’s Elections: President Trump’s Next Move

 

 "And leaked documents written by an ally of Mr. Bolsonaro, reported by Brazilian media and reviewed by The New York Times, suggest people close to the candidate may have proposed giving the United States access to Brazil’s critical minerals in exchange for support. The document’s author acknowledged producing it, but denied writing it on behalf of Mr. Bolsonaro’s campaign or that it was shared with U.S. officials. Mr. Bolsonaro’s campaign did not immediately respond to questions about the document."

 read report by Ana Ionova and Adam B. Ellick

 

Scott Walker - Thanks For Chicago Mr. James

 

Thanks for Chicago, Mr James
You got a lot of grace but you're an empty place
The dawn falls hard upon my face
I'll move as I began through fields without a plan
Thanks for Chicago, Mr James

The Cadillacs - Speedoo (1955)

 

Well now, they often call me Speedoo

But my real name is Mr. Earl Known for meetin' brand new fellas And takin' other folks' girl

Oswaldo Cruz

 

Oswaldo Cruz

 

Alessandra Leão - Caboclo Arreia

 

Caboclo arreia pra me ajudar 

Caboclo da mata do juremá

 

 

Praça Mauá

 

Nobel acerta na premiação a jurista sul-africana

 

Dorrit Harazim

 

Bom mesmo foi encerrar a semana de nervosia política no Brasil com a notícia do Nobel da Paz concedido à jurista sul-africana Navanethem Pillay. Ponto para o Comitê Norueguês, que neste ano acertou na premiação. Das cinco categorias existentes há 125 anos (às que foi acrescentada Economia em 1968), o Nobel da Paz é certamente o mais prestigioso, universal e, por isso mesmo, polêmico dos prêmios — qualquer cidadão em qualquer canto do planeta sabe o que é paz ou tem uma concepção para paz.Contrariando a norma, a laureada deste ano não pôde ser informada da premiação antes do anúncio oficial em Oslo — Pillay participava de um fórum internacional de juristas na Alemanha quando a notícia lhe chegou por meio de aplausos na sala. Ela estava onde mesmo, na Alemanha? Em Nuremberg! Justo em Nuremberg! Ali, entre 1945 e 1949, ocorreram os históricos julgamentos dos principais responsáveis pelo Holocausto e demais atrocidades nazistas cometidas na Segunda Guerra Mundial. A coincidência não escapou à jurista:

— Neste local os aplausos de vocês têm um significado enorme.

Como se sabe, foi dos tribunais de Nuremberg que nasceram os fundamentos do Direito Internacional defendidos a vida toda por Navi Pillay. A laureada se revelou à vontade diante da notoriedade instantânea. Taí uma mulher sem medo de se mostrar feliz.

— Se vocês me aplaudirem um pouquinho mais, dividirei o prêmio com Trump — brincou com a imprensa.

Foi uma estocada fulminante. Um Nobel da Paz é o inalcançável brinquedo supremo que o presidente dos Estados Unidos cobiça de forma obsessiva, por todos os meios. Trump já se autodeclarou merecedor da honraria várias vezes. No ano passado, chegou a induzir a líder oposicionista venezuelana María Corina Machado a dedicar-lhe a láurea recebida em Oslo. Também já aceitou como ersatz um constrangedor Prêmio da Paz da Fifa, inventado por Gianni Infantino, e tentou gabaritar-se assinando nove tratados de paz entre nações supostamente em conflito. Tudo humilhantemente inútil. Sem falar nos 12 milhões de coroas suecas (equivalentes a R$ 6,2 milhões) que vêm com a medalha de ouro do Nobel e teimam em escapar-lhe das mãos.

Acachapante, para Donald Trump, é a biografia da nova laureada, filha de motorista de ônibus de origem indiana nascida em Durban. Primeira mulher não branca a integrar a Corte Suprema do país recém-saído do apartheid, Navi Pillay começou a carreira defendendo ativistas negros como Nelson Mandela e chega aos 85 anos com estatura e fôlego invejáveis. Como juíza do Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), presidiu o histórico julgamento do genocídio em Ruanda na virada do século. Hoje atua como juíza ad hoc na Corte Internacional de Justiça, da ONU, que analisa a acusação de genocídio por parte da República de Mianmar contra a minoria rohingya.

Foi na qualidade de alta comissária da ONU para Direitos Humanos entre 2008 e 2014 que a laureada atravessou de forma irreversível a linha vermelha jurídica mais polêmica do Pós-Guerra. Coube a Pillay liderar a comissão de investigação que concluiu, em 2025, pelo uso do termo “genocídio” para definir as ações militares de Israel contra a população palestina de Gaza. Uma decisão sem volta que exigiu visão, determinação e independência.

— Foi prestado tributo à minha coragem — declarou a jurista referindo-se aos termos do Nobel. — Mas por que você precisaria de coragem para falar a verdade?

Resposta: porque as instituições que sustentam a lei internacional se encontram sob imensa pressão, sanções e ataques. Poucas horas depois do anúncio do Nobel, o governo Trump acusou o confronto. Não diretamente com Pillay, mas com o TPI, que, em 21 de novembro de 2024, emitira mandados de prisão contra o premier israelense, Benjamin Netanyahu, seu ex-ministro da Defesa Yoav Gallant e o comandante do Hamas, Mohammed Deif. Todos por suspeita de crimes de guerra e crimes contra a humanidade em Gaza e, no caso de Deif, no massacre do 7 de outubro de 2023 em Israel.

— Nós baniremos transações com esse tribunal rebelde, cortando seus recursos e incapacitando suas operações — diz a nota do Departamento de Estado. — Ou o TPI acabará com suas ameaças, ou nós acabaremos com o TPI.

Soa mais fácil do que acabar com a guerra na Ucrânia ou estancar o aniquilamento da vida palestina em Gaza — a menos que haja países, líderes ou juristas como Navi Pillay decididos a lhe barrar o caminho.

GLOBO

 

ilustração Macelo 

 

How Trump is meddling in Brazil's election – explainer

 

 The Guardian's Latin America correspondent, Tom Phillips, explains the tactics Trump and his administration have been using in recent months and what impact another Bolsonaro government could have on the region, and the world 

How Trump is meddling in Brazil's election – explainer | Brazil | The Guardian

Marina Silva on Flávio Bolsonaro: He will try to finish his father’s ‘perverse project’ to destroy the Amazon

 

TOM PHILIPS 

 The former Brazilian environment minister Marina Silva has said that if Flávio Bolsonaro becomes president he will seek to finish the “perverse project” of rampant rainforest destruction initiated by his jailed far-right father.

The Amazon was thrown into chaos during Jair Bolsonaro’s 2019-2022 presidency, when Brazil’s environment and Indigenous protection agencies were gutted and environmental criminals ran riot, causing surges in deforestation and violence.

Despite that, Bolsonaro’s eldest son, Flávio, is the favourite to beat the leftwing incumbent, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in the second round of the presidential election on 25 October. Flávio, 45, beat Lula, 80, by more than 2m votes in the first round last Sunday, amid a wave of anti-incumbency and anti-left sentiment that catapulted a record number of far-right politicians into an already conservative congress.

Silva, a world-renowned environmentalist who was Lula’s environment minister until April, says a second Bolsonaro presidency will spell disaster for the globally crucial ecosystem, for its inhabitants and for the climate crisis.

“I’ve no doubt that this time they will try to finish the perverse project they started with [Jair] Bolsonaro. If they are elected – and God, and the Brazilian people, willing they won’t be – they will use their time to try to speed up as much as possible all of the regressions they can, including to keep themselves in power,” says Silva, who was appointed after Lula beat Jair Bolsonaro in the 2022 election.

Aerial view of an area of Amazon rainforest deforested by illegal fire in Amazonas state in 2024. Photograph: Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty Images

“The vision they have for the Amazon is the same vision they have for everything. They are denialists. Their vision is that the forest must be removed for economic activities,” she adds. “They will again encourage illegal mining, the invasion of Indigenous lands, and violence against Indigenous and Quilombola communities.”

Silva fears aggressive resource extraction could be turbocharged by Donald Trump’s designs on Latin America, exemplified by the US commandeering Venezuela’s huge oil reserves after the capture of Nicolás Maduro. The Bolsonaros are long-term allies of Trump, who has called Venezuela’s oil “the spoils” of his brief war.

“Brazil cannot [be governed by] a political group that wants to turn itself into an American protectorate, as is the case with Venezuela today,” says Silva, who believes a Flávio Bolsonaro administration would be “subservient” to the US.

Marina Silva believes a Flávio Bolsonaro administration would be ‘subservient’ to the US. Photograph: Diego Herculano/Reuters

Speaking from São Paulo, Silva recalls the “scorched earth” she encountered when she took over a defanged and dispirited environment ministry in January 2023 and set about trying to control soaring Amazon destruction. One of Lula’s first acts was to send troops to expel thousands of illegal miners from the country’s largest Indigenous territory.

Silva says the “Herculean effort” of environmental and security forces has paid off. Amazon deforestation has fallen nearly 50% under Lula, with an estimated 2,600 sq km (1,004 sq miles) lost this year compared with almost 11,600 sq km during Jair Bolsonaro’s last year in office. Illegal miners and ranchers have been evicted from a succession of Indigenous territories. Tens of billions of dollars of international funding for rainforest protection have been restored after being frozen during Bolsonaro’s era of destruction.

Now, Silva believes all those achievements are in jeopardy. “It’s deeply sad and troubling,” says the 68-year-old, who was born in the Amazon to a family of rubber tappers.

Environmental special forces raid an illegal cassiterite mine near the Yanomami village of Xitei in 2023. Photograph: Tom Philips/The Guardian

The veteran activist pauses to compose herself as she considers the prospect that in just a few weeks all that work could be undone.

“It’s just like the myth of Sisyphus. Rolling the boulder all the way up to the top and watching it fall back down. Except it won’t fall on open ground – it’s going to fall right on top of all of us,” Silva says of the consequences of allowing deforestation to again spiral out of control.

“Paradoxically, just at the moment when we could be about to achieve the lowest rate of deforestation [in more than a decade] and hit a once unthinkable target of zero deforestation by 2030, we face the threat of a government which … would set all of this back to square one.”

She adds: “It’s frightening, too, to think that [this is happening when] we’re living through a super El Niño, which will bring severe problems of drought and floods … during a government that has zero commitment to the prevention, adaptation and mitigation agenda.”

People take part in Acampamento Terra Livre (Free Land) protest to demand the demarcation of Indigenous lands and defend constitutional and cultural rights in Brasília in April. Photograph: Adriano Machado/Reuters

Even if Flávio Bolsonaro loses, congress’s shift to the far right means the coming years are likely to prove dire for the environment in the world’s most biodiverse country. In the recent election, Bolsonaro’s Liberal party (PL) won 19 of the 54 seats up for grabs in the 81-seat senate and 121 seats of the 513 lower house seats, making it easier for lawmarkers to remove environmental and Indigenous protections.

Silva sought a seat in the senate but was beaten by a former special forces police officer and another Bolsonarista politician. “Even with the current makeup [of congress] we’ve witnessed numerous setbacks,” says Silva, who fears lawmakers will move to “uncreate” conservation units and Indigenous territories.

“It’s a devastating process. I’m worried not just about the Amazon but about all of our biomes, like the Atlantic Forest, the Cerrado, the Pantanal, the Pampa. All of Brazil’s biomes are equally threatened by this Trumpist vision.”

Silva’s fears are not confined to the environment. She believed countless social advances achieved during Lula’s three terms as president would also be reversed, including the eradication of hunger and dramatically increased access to higher education.

Jair Bolsonaro, with his sons Eduardo (L) and Flavio (R), waves his supporters during a rally at Copacabana beach in April 2024. Photograph: Buda Mendes/Getty Images

She argues that Brazil’s democracy is at risk if the Bolsonaros reclaim power, with Jair, who is serving a 27-year sentence for plotting a coup after losing the 2022 election, expected to be released and made a minister.

Those fears grew this week when Flávio Bolsonaro announced he would seek to “re-democratise” Brazil and change the constitution, possibly allowing longer presidential terms.

“That is a very dangerous word, because to an authoritarian mindset, what does re-democratisation mean?” Silva says. “It means democracy for them to stay in power ad infinitum; riding roughshod over constitutional rules; interfering with the logic of the separation of powers; having the power to appoint supreme court justices to mould a supreme court in their own image and likeness. In reality, they are a sort of right-wing version of what was done in Venezuela [under Maduro].”

“They are willing to erode our democracy from within,” she adds.

Marina Silva hopes Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva can bounce back and win the presidential runoff on 25 October. Photograph: Andressa Anholete/Getty Images

Silva voices hope that Lula can bounce back in the second round. “I believe deeply that it’s possible,” she says, vowing to spend the coming days battling to convince the more than 30 million people who did not vote in the first round of the “incalculable damage” another Bolsonaro presidency could cause.

On Thursday, a survey by the Datafolha polling institute gave Bolsonaro a 52% to 48% lead over Lula in the runoff.

Silva, who has been defending the Amazon since the 80s, vows to fight on.

“I draw my energy from insisting on living. I believe life means holding on, and the death impulse – strong as it may be – always loses to the life impulse. Look at us: we are here. Our parents and our grandparents are gone, but we made it. I truly believe this instinct to live will prevail. My hope is that it proves stronger right now, so Latin America isn’t consumed by this drive for death.”

Frankenstein Meets the Space Monster

 + I was sitting on the back porch, while wearing my “Thoreau Was Right” hoodie, watching the skittish dances of southward-bound warblers on the branches of our apple trees, when Kimberly gave me the news that Annie Dillard had died at 82. First Wendell Berry, now Annie. It’s been a rough month for the neo-Thoreauvians.

+ Annie Dillard’s first husband, Richard Dillard, was a close friend of one of our professors at AU, Henry Taylor, who won the Pulitzer Prize for his collection A Flying Change.  I met Richard a couple of times. He was an English prof at Hollins and an acclaimed poet who, during summer breaks in the 60s, wrote screenplays. His poems were fairly traditional in structure, meter, and rhyme schemes. His screenplays were anything but. Consider Frankenstein Meets the Space Monster, a film which takes place on a post-Apocalyptic Mars, its population genocided by atomic blasts, in which neither Dr. Frankenstein nor his monster make an appearance; nobody cares about celebrity astronauts and the women survivors gladly run off with the alien invaders. Dillard and his screenwriting partner, the novelist George Garrett, named some of the more evil characters after the professors who’d denied them tenure. If only more poets had sharpened their pens by writing screenplays like this, perhaps poetry wouldn’t be in the moribund state it now finds itself mired in…

 

 

A voz das urnas

    LAERTE 

 

 

 

GALVAO

 

GILMAR

 

ORLANDO

 

 

Funeral de um Lavrador (Joao Cabral de Melo Neto - Chico Buarque)

 

Esta cova em que estás, com palmos medida

É a conta menor que tiraste em vida

É a conta menor que tiraste em vida

É de bom tamanho, nem largo nem fundo

É a parte que te cabe deste latifúndio

É a parte que te cabe deste latifúndio

Oswaldo Cruz

 

Peetie Wheatstraw I Want Some Seafood 1939

I want some seafood mama

An I don't mean no turnip greens

I want some fish, ooo-well-well

An you know just what I mean

In a Major Boost for the Right, Another Bolsonaro Nears Brazil’s Presidency

 

 

By Ana Ionova and Adam B. Ellick

surprise victory for a right-wing populist embroiled in scandal. Crushing defeat for a party deemed out of touch with its base. Supporters on the left grasping for answers.

The scene may feel familiar to Americans. This time, it unfolded in a Latin American nation thousands of miles away. And the results could profoundly reshape the region and its relations with Washington.

Brazil’s right-wing challenger, Flávio Bolsonaro, didn’t win the presidency Sunday night, but seemed well on his way to victory.

His surprisingly strong showing gives a significant boost to the ascendant right in Latin America, placing Brazil, the region’s most populous country, within reach as the biggest electoral prize following seven straight wins by right-wing candidates.

It also represents a remarkable comeback for the Bolsonaro family four years after Mr. Bolsonaro’s father tried to subvert democracy after losing the last election, was convicted of plotting a coup and sentenced to prison.

Flávio Bolsonaro himself overcame being embroiled in a corruption scandal to win more votes than the leftist incumbent, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. While neither clinched enough ballots to win in the first round of voting, Mr. Bolsonaro’s formidable performance appeared to foreshadow a win in a two-way contest on Oct. 25.

That is because the votes of some nine million Brazilians who backed various minor right-wing candidates on Sunday will now be up for grabs. The vast majority are likely to shift their support to Mr. Bolsonaro, giving him the upper hand. For Mr. Lula, finding more votes presents a far more challenging task.

The regional swing to the right is driven by an array of forces, experts say, including dissatisfaction with incumbent governments, deepening worries about security and crime and a shift toward more conservative values.

For months, polls had predicted a close race between the two men, with Mr. Lula leading by the slimmest of margins. The leftist president had framed his candidacy as the only way to halt the return of the Bolsonaro family to power, just four years after Jair Bolsonaro lost the last election and inspired his supporters to storm the capital, demanding that the result be overturned.

Image

A supporter of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva reacted Sunday in Rio de Janeiro to the first results of the presidential election.Credit...Mauro Pimentel/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Mr. Lula had also sought to portray his candidacy as defending Brazil’s sovereignty against attempts by the Trump administration to intervene in the country’s domestic affairs.

Mr. Bolsonaro had struggled to shake off a corruption investigation and divided voters with his plans to seek amnesty for his father and the rioters. Then, on Sunday, he surprised many when he captured 47 percent of the vote, finishing two points ahead of his rival.

“Even Jair Bolsonaro may be surprised by this result,” said Jairo Nicolau, a prominent political scientist and professor at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, a research institution.

A runoff win for Mr. Bolsonaro would represent a major triumph for President Trump, ejecting Mr. Lula, one of his most outspoken foes among world leaders, who has not shied away from challenging the American leader.

It would also usher in an enthusiastic ally willing to help Mr. Trump’s bold plans for dominance in the region.

A Surprise Favorite

It is not yet clear just what brought Mr. Bolsonaro to the brink of victory.

“It was conceivable that Flávio could come close to Lula or even overtake him,” said Mr. Nicolau. “But what happened in Brazil was a right-wing tidal wave,” he added. “We’re going to spend a long time trying to understand.”

What unfolded in Brazil may have echoed a broader challenge incumbents face across the region: convincing voters to give them more time to deliver on pledges.

“Basically, it’s never a good thing to be president in South America,” said Guilherme Casarões, professor of Brazilian studies at Florida International University in Miami. Governments on the left and the right have struggled to win second consecutive terms across the region.

Some analysts believed Mr. Bolsonaro had managed to rally at least a slice of conservative voters planning to vote for other right-wing contenders. Disillusionment with Mr. Lula’s party, which has been in power for the better part of two decades, also most likely fueled his challenger’s success. Many Brazilians are concerned over pervasive violence and crushing personal debt.

Mr. Bolsonaro has tried to link his rival to a corruption scandal sweeping Brazil’s Supreme Court. The Brazilian president has tried to distance himself and called for a judicial overhaul.

Image

Supporters of Mr. Bolsonaro on Sunday night in Pôrto Alegre, Brazil.Credit...Silvio Avila/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The momentum of the Brazilian right was also on full display in the nation’s legislative races, where right-wing candidates, including four other members of the Bolsonaro family, made spectacular strides in both Congress and the Senate.

“A complete takeover of the far right,” said Mr. Casarões.

This means that, whoever ultimately wins the presidency, Latin America’s largest democracy is poised to keep marching to the right — a prospect that excited Carlos Augusto Marques, a 63-year-old writer casting a vote in Rio de Janeiro.

“To improve, we need four or five center-right governments, at least,” he said.

If Mr. Bolsonaro wins, his party’s gains could allow him to deliver some of his most polarizing promises: an amnesty for his father, pardons for participants of the Jan. 8 riots and a Senate more willing to try to remove justices who convicted his father.

A Pathway to Victory

Now, the presidential contest is headed for what is likely to be a bitterly contested final leg, with both candidates racing to capture millions of more votes. Yet the pathway to victory may prove far more daunting for Mr. Lula.

Analysts say he could still stage a comeback, particularly if he could win over some of the 33 million Brazilians who skipped Sunday’s vote.

In Brazil, voting is mandatory for most people between the ages of 18 and 70, though absentees only face a small fine. This year, the number of Brazilians who sat out the first round rose to a record high of 21 percent.

Image

A seller displaying a newspaper featuring front-page coverage of the election on Monday in Rio de Janeiro.Credit...Pilar Olivares/Reuters

Mr. Lula may also succeed in striking coalitions with other parties in hopes of convincing some moderate voters who reject Mr. Bolsonaro to shift their support to him.

Alberto Saab, 55, is among the 8 percent of voters on Sunday who supported a third-party candidate. The engineer has voted for both candidates in the past, but remains undecided so far for the runoff.

He has been impressed with leftist investment in education, yet he also supports the right’s bolder measures to combat security. “The world is very polarized,” he said. “If we don’t return to some sort of center of balance, I think we’ll remain in a difficult situation.”

Mr. Bolsonaro is being investigated for raising millions for a biopic about his jailed father from a disgraced banker at the center of a massive fraud. Details of the probe have dominated public debate, fueling expectations for more bombshell revelations closer to the final vote.

In recent weeks, Mr. Lula has seized the opportunity to dial up attacks on his rival’s record. His campaign aired an online minidoc exploring controversies in Mr. Bolsonaro’s political career and a video linking Mr. Bolsonaro’s alleged ties to militias. Some voters may not be swayed in either direction. Kailhany Machado, 23, voted for a third candidate and plans to cast a blank ballot in the runoff.

“Flávio is involved in several scandals and Lula? I don’t even need to tell you,” Ms. Machado said. “They’re corrupt, criminal, and don’t deserve our vote.”

Enter Trump?

Mr. Trump has been a wildcard in Brazil’s presidential race.

Ahead of the runoff, he could stay quiet, openly endorse Mr. Bolsonaro or ratchet up pressure with new measures aimed at Brazil.

Last year, Mr. Trump stepped in to help Mr. Bolsonaro’s father avoid a prison term. Nevertheless, the elder Mr. Bolsonaro was sentenced to 27 years in prison, though he is serving his term at home because of poor health.

Mr. Trump has not championed any presidential candidate, though his administration has appeared to lift Mr. Bolsonaro in more subtle ways ahead of the vote. This has alarmed Brazil, which has accused the United States of trying to sway its elections and has put up a firewall to try to shield its democracy from threats.

Flávio Bolsonaro has aligned himself with Mr. Trump and other right-wing leaders in the region, echoing plans to mount a hard-line attack on the drug gangs that have become a major concern for many ordinary Brazilians.

And, like Mr. Trump, Mr. Bolsonaro is now looking to rewrite his own nation’s history.

THE NEW YORK TIMES 

  

Ry Cooder - Straight Street

 

Well, I used to live on Broadway

 Right next to the liar's house 

My number was self-righteousness 

And a very little guide of mouth

 

 

Edificio A Noite

 

Billy-Leroy and the Jitters - Party Going On

 

A suruba venceu

GILMAR

 

 

GALVAO

 

 

RAFAEL CORREA

MOR

 

FRAGA

 

 

 

Tom Waits - "Just Another Sucker On The Vine"

 

The Pretenders The Wait Live at Alright Now 1980

 

Said the wait child bruised ball child pride slapped child hurts
The wait child crest felled child tear eyed child hurts
The wait child bus stop child late come child hurts
The wait child platform walk idle talk hurts
Oh gonna hurt some child child
Gonna hurt some whoa my baby

ANA SHIRLEY - VEIO ALGUÉM ME CONTAR

 

 

Golpe de Mestre

QUINHO

AROEIRA

FERNANDES

BRUNO AZIZ