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Desagua douro de pensa mentos.
There
is a familiar ritual during the World Cup every four years: When a
country’s team is eliminated, its fans often adopt a regional neighbor
to root for instead. When Sweden lost this year, some fans threw their support behind Norway. The same happened in Africa during Morocco’s recent World Cup runs.
But
in Latin America, that solidarity hasn’t extended to the only country
from the region left in the tournament: Argentina, which plays England
in a semifinal on Wednesday. Far from receiving support from other Latin
American fan bases, Argentina has become the team they are rooting
against.
Nestor Ibarra, 28, a
marketing specialist in Bogotá, Colombia, said he and his Ecuadorean and
Peruvian friends were backing “whoever is facing Argentina.” Even when
that team had beaten Colombia itself.
Since Colombia lost in the round of 16, social media has filled with memes and jokes
noting that no Latin America country remains in the World Cup, arguing
that Argentina is more European than Latin American, and declaring that
fans would rather cheer for Norway than their regional rival.
The sentiment has tapped into something deep and familiar in the region.
Argentines have long had a reputation for their intense soccer culture and for seeing themselves as distinct from their neighbors,
in part because of the large percentage of the population descended
from European immigrants, mainly from Spain and Italy. Brazil, by
contrast, has the largest Afro-descendant population outside Africa.
Argentina, a country of 46 million, is both the reigning World Cup and South American champion, led by Lionel Messi, arguably the greatest player of all time. That success has bred resentment because so many countries have lost to Argentina.
Image
Soccer
is an obsession in Argentina, from the national team to the
professional leagues to recreational clubs. Some fans have sold their
cars or quit their jobs
to follow Argentina at the World Cup. Argentine fans, their chants
relentless, are known for filling stadiums in overwhelming numbers.
That Argentine ethos, and the frustration it provokes, was captured in a viral advertisement for Fernet-Branca, a brand of the strong and bitter liqueur brought to Argentina by Italian immigrants. The commercial
opens with fans from other countries in a group-therapy session,
complaining about Argentina and its fans’ intensity, and then cuts to
Mexicans, Uruguayans and Brazilians praying that their rival doesn’t win
again.
“We
recognize that we are intense and unbearable,” said Diego Montero, a
founder and the chief creative officer of Zurda Agency, the Argentine
firm behind the ad. “And during the four years since we won, there was
always a celebration.”
Mr. Montero
traced the amplitude and passion of Argentine fans to the country’s
Italian roots, particularly in southern Italy. Argentines, he said, are
“very competitive,” adding: “Where we’re good, we like to emphasize it
too much.”
Coni Reyes, 43, and
Isabel Quintero, 30, both in Mexico jerseys at a recent World Cup fan
festival in Mexico City, said they found the memes about Argentina
funny.
Ms. Reyes said the Argentines struck her as acting “superior.” (One Argentine television commentator recently said that Mexicans envied Argentina, and not just in soccer.)
Mr.
Ibarra, the Colombian, said he had actually wanted Argentina to win the
2022 World Cup, since Messi had not yet won one. But his feelings have
soured since then, both toward the Argentine fans he has encountered and
toward the national team, which he felt looked down on Colombia as an
opponent. He also said he disliked how many Argentines seemed to see
themselves as European rather than Latin American.
Henrique
Porto, a television commentator and editor in Brazil, said that he had
mixed feelings about the Argentine team because he loved Messi and the
team’s style of play. But he pointed to the intense, decades-long rivalry between the countries and said he didn’t like the past racist actions of some Argentine fans in Brazil.
“We
simply cannot support them,” said Mr. Porto, who also noted that Brazil
had a record five World Cup titles compared with Argentina’s three.
After
Argentina beat Colombia to win the 2024 Copa América, South America’s
biggest soccer championship, Argentine players were shown on social
media singing a song that the French soccer federation called “unacceptable, racist and discriminatory.”
The chant, which was introduced by some Argentine fans before the 2022
World Cup final against France, mocked the African heritage of many
French players. The Argentine player who posted the video of him and
others singing it later apologized.
Fans
from other countries have complained about their treatment by some
Argentine supporters at games. Last week, FIFA, soccer’s global
governing body, said it was investigating an alleged incident of racist abuse
involving the Black American streamer IShowSpeed during an
Argentina-Cape Verde game. In a video, a woman in an Argentina jersey appeared to shout “go cry to the zoo” to IShowSpeed, who was wearing a Cape Verde jersey.
Such
episodes have revived a longstanding critique of how Argentina
understands its own identity in the diverse region. In the 19th and 20th
centuries, its Black and Indigenous populations were largely erased or
killed off by governments intent on projecting an image of white,
European ancestry.
Martín Kohan, an
Argentine literature professor known for his cultural and social
analysis of soccer, said that Argentines are, in fact, of mixed
heritage, pointing to the country’s other famous soccer icon DiegoMaradona.
“We
are not a European country; we have a country with a strong historical
flow of European immigration,” he said, adding that Argentina struggles economically
like other countries in Latin America. “My own heritage stems from
that. This does not imply that this is not a Latin American country,
except in the construction of a myth that I believe must be countered,
and which I regret has gained followers in other countries.”
Mr.
Kohan said that while Buenos Aires, the capital with a metropolitan
population of 16 million, is known for its European heritage and
culture, it does not represent the country as a whole. In regions closer
to Brazil and Paraguay, he said, Indigenous languages are spoken and
customs differ.
Paloma Iribarren,
35, an Argentine who works in advertising and has lived in Mexico for
seven years, said she was surprised by other Latin Americans’ reluctance
to support her country’s national team.
As
long as Mexico’s team was not facing Argentina, she said, she cheered
for her adopted home — unlike many of her Argentine friends in Mexico —
out of gratitude for the country and its people.
“But
being the only Latin American country in the semifinals with three
imperialists that also colonized us all, that is a limit for me,” she
said, referring to semifinalists England, Spain and France. “We are
going to play against people who occupied our territory and our Latin
American brothers who all suffered just like us. They can’t empathize
with that?”
Not all of Latin America
is against Argentina, of course. The national team’s jersey, Messi’s in
particular, is a common sight throughout the region. Beyond Latin
America, the country counts ardent fans in India and Bangladesh, among other places.
And ahead of Wednesday’s game against England, fans from onecountry outside Latin America have thrown their support behind Argentina: the English rival, Scotland.
Ao contrário da Laranja Mecânica e da seleção de Telê, França de 2026 será lembrada como o time que não perdeu como jogou
Thales Machado
Algumas seleções se tornam eternas pelo título. Outras, pela maneira como o perderam. A França de 2026 terminou estranhamente no meio dessas duas coisas. Jogou durante quase um mês como quem merecia ser lembrada, mas se despediu no único dia em que não conseguiu ser ela mesma.
O presente sempre sai em desvantagem quando disputa espaço com a memória. A Holanda de 1974 nos chega em laranja, bonita e revolucionária, livre dos erros e das discussões da manhã seguinte. O Brasil de 1982 atravessou o tempo sob o sol de Sevilla, com Sócrates, Zico e Falcão congelados na melhor versão de si mesmos. O passado já vem editado.
A França ainda está em carne viva. Vimos na tarde texana cada passe errado, cada escolha de Deschamps, cada vez que Mbappé se viu cercado. Mas vimos também, entre a estreia brilhante contra Senegal e o protocolar baile diante de Marrocos, um time que, enfim, jogou à altura de seu talento. Depois de anos administrando uma fortuna, Deschamps abriu o cofre. Mbappé, Dembélé e Olise jogaram juntos. A França correu, atacou, fez gols e transformou abundância em futebol.
Não inventou uma nova forma de ocupar o campo, como a Holanda. Não concentrou um sonho nacional de beleza, como o Brasil de Telê. Seu encanto era menos profundo, mas nem por isso menos verdadeiro. Estava na velocidade, no excesso de opções, na sensação de que qualquer ataque poderia terminar em gol. Mesmo com o título de 2018 e o vice de 2022, foi a melhor França de Deschamps porque parecia a menos preocupada em ser uma França de Deschamps.
Mas faltou a derrota. Faltou a Dallas um quê de Sarriá.
A Holanda perdeu a final sem deixar de ser a Holanda. O Brasil caiu diante da Itália atacando até quando o empate lhe servia. Nos dois casos, a derrota confirmou o time, aumentou sua beleza e ofereceu à memória uma última cena à altura do resto.
A França saiu de outro modo. Contra a Espanha, não morreu atacando, não caiu empurrando o adversário, não fez o apito final demorar a chegar. Foi dominada e passou sua última noite procurando o futebol que exibira durante toda a Copa.
Não será um mito. Será uma saudade com a última imagem errada. A Espanha não apagou o que a França jogou, mas ficou com o direito de encerrar o filme. E, na memória, o fim costuma mandar no resto.
Talvez a forma mais sucinta de responder seja constatar que a Espanha é a seleção mais preparada no mundo para fazer o tipo de jogo que mais deixa os franceses desconfortáveis. Quando se joga contra um time com tanto poderio ofensivo, algumas tarefas precisam ser cumpridas. E, nos últimos encontros, os espanhóis realizaram tudo o que era necessário.
Foi assim na Eurocopa de 2024, na Liga das Nações do ano seguinte e, agora, na semifinal da Copa do Mundo. Quem quiser derrotar a França precisa entender que a presença de Mbappé, Olise, Dembélé e Doué (ou Barcola) condiciona o que acontece em campo. Defender perto de seu gol significa deixar a bola muito tempo com jogadores extremamente capazes, técnicos e hábeis e que, embora gostem de atacar espaços em velocidade, podem romper uma defesa mais recuada. Por outro lado, tentar atacar e perder a bola é um pecado mortal.
Quando jogadores vitais no sistema atingem seu melhor nível, a Espanha é capaz de impor um nível de controle que incomoda a França. Porque fica com a bola, obriga os adversários a defender por mais tempo que gostariam e leva o jogo para perto da área protegida por eles. Além disso, quase sempre conclui seus ataques, mesmo que sem perigo. Ou seja, é uma posse que tenta construir jogadas de gol ou evitar perdas que originem contra-ataques. A ideia é evitar que o quarteto ofensivo (em especial Mbappé, Barcola e Dembélé) possa acelerar com espaço à frente.
Nesta Copa, a semifinal foi a primeira vez em que a França lidou com um rival disposto a tirar dela a rédea do jogo. E o fez, primeiro, pela forma como atletas vitais se apresentaram. Rodri, a cada partida do torneio, aproxima-se mais do meio-campista eleito melhor do mundo há dois anos. Ganha duelos e dita para onde e como o jogo vai fluir: além de passar a bola, é responsável por controlar o ritmo dos ataques, determinar a hora de pausar e acelerar. Fabián Ruiz é um meio-campista total, de combate, passe e ataque ao setor ofensivo. E a linha defensiva foi brilhante para lidar com a ameaça permanente dos franceses, com o bônus chamado Cubarsí — aos 19 anos, um zagueiro com um repertório de passes digno de um veterano. Quanto a Lamine Yamal, é notável que a Espanha renda tão bem sem tê-lo como elemento de desequilíbrio, o que não significa dizer que esteja jogando mal.
É bom ressalvar que o futebol é um jogo de margens pequenas. Basta um lance para mudar o destino. No começo, a França ameaçava escapar da pressão espanhola. Rabiot se posicionava bem para ligar ataques, mas havia uma inesperada imprecisão dos homens de frente. Até que um lance meio acidental, fora do roteiro, resultou no gol de pênalti de Oyarzabal.
Atacante que recuava para ser mais um meia, ele representou um dos motivos do domínio espanhol dali por diante: a superioridade no centro do campo. Rodri, Ruiz, Olmo, o recuo de Oyarzabal e, por vezes, a presença de Baena deixavam Tchouaméni e Rabiot em inferioridade. Sempre havia um espanhol livre para atacar ou conservar a bola. Isso cortava o circuito entre o meio-campo francês e seus atacantes.
No intervalo, Deschamps decidiu tirar o amarelado Rabiot. Era uma escolha difícil: evitava uma possível expulsão, mas não preenchia o meio, que precisava de um homem a mais. A Espanha seguiu dominando. Na origem do segundo gol, outro exemplo: ainda no campo defensivo, Rodri achou Olmo como homem livre. Com o 2 a 0, a tarefa foi mover a bola, tirar ritmo da França e evitar surpresas. Afinal, quem tem Mbappé sempre mantém uma partida viva.
A Espanha finalista é um time melhor do que aquele que iniciou a Copa. Mas nunca uma surpresa. É, ao seu jeito, uma das grandes seleções nos últimos anos.
Speech to the Nation: a man clinging to power while his country burns
from Kenneth Smith Jr
This is happening right now. Trump just announced a “Speech to the Nation” Thursday at 9 PM. According to CNBC and Reuters, the speech will claim declassified intelligence reveals foreign nations interfered in the 2020 election. He’s also reportedly planning to declare Georgia Senators Ossoff and Warnock were “illegitimately elected.” A sitting president trying to undo an election from six years ago. Let me explain why this matters.
A president cannot declare sitting senators illegitimate. The Constitution says only the Senate can expel a member by two thirds vote. Trump lost 64 court cases challenging the 2020 election. His own first term DOJ found no evidence of widespread fraud. Ballot audits found nothing. Every legal avenue was exhausted and failed. Six years later, he’s not trying again through the courts. He’s trying through a primetime TV speech. Because the courts already told him no.
Special Counsel Jack Smith testified under oath that his team developed “proof beyond a reasonable doubt” that Trump engaged in a “criminal scheme to overturn the 2020 election.” His 130 page report concluded the evidence was “sufficient to obtain and sustain a conviction at trial.” The only reason Trump wasn’t convicted is DOJ policy says you can’t prosecute a sitting president. He wasn’t cleared. He was shielded. And now he’s accusing everyone else of the crime he committed.
And what did Trump do with that evidence? He buried it. Judge Aileen Cannon, a Trump appointee, permanently blocked Volume 2 of Smith’s report from ever being released. Trump’s co-defendants tried to have all copies destroyed. Smith wanted to testify publicly. Republicans forced him behind closed doors. The man claiming the 2020 election was stolen is hiding the evidence that proves he’s the one who tried to steal it. And Thursday he’s going on national TV to blame everyone else.
And let’s talk about who’s making this accusation. A bipartisan Senate Intelligence Committee confirmed in a 966 page report that Russia launched an “aggressive effort” to interfere in the 2016 election to benefit Trump. His campaign chairman had regular contact with a Russian intelligence officer. His associates were “eager to exploit the Kremlin’s aid.” This wasn’t Democrats. It was a Republican led committee. And now he’s accusing others of foreign election interference.
This is also a man convicted on 34 felony counts for fraud. A man whose own special counsel had proof beyond a reasonable doubt that he tried to overturn an election. A man who buried the evidence and had a judge he appointed block it permanently. And now he’s going on national TV to accuse others of fraud and foreign interference. With Trump, every accusation is a confession. Every single time. And Thursday will be no different.
He’ll be joined by CIA Director Ratcliffe, FBI Director Patel, acting DNI Pulte, and DHS Secretary Mullin. The people who are supposed to protect national security are being lined up as props for a speech to delegitimize a democratic election. The entire intelligence apparatus is being used to sell a lie that 64 courts rejected. That’s not intelligence. That’s propaganda with a security clearance
Voting machines are not connected to the internet. A foreign government cannot hack systems that aren’t online. This has been verified repeatedly. Reuters reported “no evidence has been found of foreign intrusions that changed results of past elections.” The intelligence community’s own 2020 assessment found China considered interference but decided against it. This speech is not based on new evidence. It’s old lies with a new coat of pai
Here’s the part that exposes the real motive. The same 2020 Georgia election that Trump is calling fraudulent also elected Republican Governor Brian Kemp and Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger. If the election was rigged for Democrats, how did Republicans win statewide on the same ballots? The answer is obvious. The election wasn’t rigged. Trump lost Georgia. And he has never been able to accept it. This isn’t about fraud. This is about ego and retaliation.
The timing tells you everything. Senator Ossoff is up for reelection this November. Trump is down in the polls. His party is at risk of losing the Senate. Instead of winning voters with better ideas, he’s delegitimizing the opposition. Even conservative commentator Erick Erickson called it “an in-kind contribution to Ossoff’s campaign.” Trump looks desperate. Because he is. The midterms are coming and he knows what the numbers say.
Senator Ossoff responded directly: “Donald Trump’s spiral continues. The failed president, pocketing billions as he drives up prices, is afraid to lose the midterms. So he will reheat debunked election conspiracy theories and tell bizarre new lies to deny his 2020 defeat and attack voting rights.” That’s a sitting senator calling the President’s upcoming speech exactly what it is: a desperate move by a man who is afraid of losing power through the democratic proces
This is the same president who said “we will not lose for 100 years” if they pass the SAVE Act. The same president with 228 executive orders bypassing Congress. The same president trying to repeal the 17th Amendment so you can’t elect your own senators. The same administration that carved up Memphis in 8 days to erase Black representation. Every move makes your vote matter less. Thursday’s speech is the next step. He can’t win fair. So he’s making fair impossibl
Don’t let Thursday distract you from what’s actually happening. Troops are rationing food. Inflation tripled. The Epstein files are being covered up. Healthcare costs $19,000 a year with insurance. The national debt is exploding. And instead of addressing any of it, the President is using primetime television to relitigate an election he lost six years ago. That’s not leadership. That’s a man clinging to power while the country burns.
"Com um ataque poderoso, um meio de campo equilibrado e uma defesa segura, a equipe do técnico Didier Deschamps tem todas as ferramentas necessárias para superar qualquer adversário.
Mas o que os rivais precisam fazer para superá-la? Técnicos ouvidos pela Folha deixam claro que não há uma resposta única e, muito menos, certeza de que isso acontecerá nesta competição."
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