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Fragmentos de textos e imagens catadas nesta tela, capturadas desta web, varridas de jornais, revistas, livros, sons, filtradas pelos olhos e ouvidos e escorrendo pelos dedos para serem derramadas sobre as teclas... e viverem eterna e instanta neamente num logradouro digital. Desagua douro de pensa mentos.
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A partir de quinta-feira, quando começarem os jogos, as imagens serão replicadas mundo afora: multidões reunidas, cenas de delírio ou decepção. As pessoas amam a Copa do Mundo. Pena que estamos às vésperas de uma Copa do Mundo que não ama as pessoas. Após a teocracia catari, a falsa democracia russa e antes do encontro marcado para 2034 com a sanguinária ditadura saudita, a Fifa cumprirá nos Estados Unidos mais uma etapa de seu flerte com o autoritarismo. Já se foi o tempo em que nos chocávamos com a falta de pudor com que a dona do futebol mundial impunha suas regras a quem era agraciado com a chance de receber a Copa. Desta vez, vemos como nunca antes a Fifa curvada a um governo. A Copa acontece sob as regras de Trump, ainda que o preço seja todo tipo de constrangimento possível imposto ao que orgulhosamente a entidade chama de “família do futebol”.
Não é preciso fechar os olhos à tirania do regime iraniano para se estarrecer com o fato de que, pela primeira vez, um país vai sediar um Mundial enquanto bombardeia uma nação visitante. É verdade que a agressão ao Irã foi posterior ao infame Prêmio da Paz criado por Infantino para bajular Trump. Mas, àquela altura, o regime americano já bombardeava embarcações no Caribe, ameaçava anexar a Groenlândia, prometia ações militares em diversos pontos das Américas e espalhava focos de tensão onde quer que visse seus interesses contrariados. O sorteio dos grupos da Copa fez o futebol servir de palco à constrangedora cerimônia em que Infantino deu um troféu de consolação ao presidente que falhara em sua campanha de autopromoção ao Prêmio Nobel da Paz.
Agora, a contagem regressiva para a Copa vê o futebol refém da política de Trump. A Fifa se vê incapaz de proteger seu torneio, a isonomia esportiva ou a dignidade dos participantes para conservar laços políticos e econômicos com Trump. A única condição para que a seleção iraniana dispute o torneio é uma aberração esportiva: o time ficará concentrado no México, jogará suas partidas nos Estados Unidos, mas não poderá pernoitar no país. Ou seja, terá que viajar e regressar à sua base no mesmo dia dos jogos. Enquanto isso, um jogador iraquiano passou sete horas retido na imigração ao desembarcar para a Copa. Jornalistas do Irã e de diversos países da África, embora credenciados pela Fifa, tiveram vistos negados.
Recente reportagem do site The Athletic apontou a decepção do setor hoteleiro americano com a demanda por quartos. A vilã é a política migratória de Trump e a sensação, corroborada por organismos como a Anistia Internacional e o Human Rights Watch, de que esta pode não ser uma Copa segura para visitantes. Na quinta-feira, o Mundial começa num país que impôs o banimento de entrada a cidadãos de quatro países que disputam o torneio: Irã, Senegal, Haiti e Costa do Marfim. Além disso, torcedores que quisessem sair de Argélia, Cabo Verde ou Tunísia enfrentavam exigências como o pagamento de cauções que podiam chegar a US$ 15 mil por pessoa.
Infantino e a Fifa silenciaram diante das políticas divisivas, das extradições e da violência contra imigrantes, das ameaças de intervenções militares e demais atrocidades do governo americano. E repetem o gesto enquanto obstáculos são impostos para que torcedores assistam ao maior evento de futebol do planeta, ou enquanto o Irã adiava seu embarque durante a interminável espera por um visto: sinal de uma entidade acuada em seus agrados a um chefe de estado imprevisível, como cartada para evitar ainda mais danos à Copa. Há um ano, Trump dividiu o pódio com os jogadores do Chelsea na mais embaraçosa cena do Mundial de Clubes. Na Copa do Mundo, a sensação é que o espaço dado a Trump será aquele que ele decidir ocupar.
Despite its 96-year history, the World Cup is an event with a limited number of data points. After all, it’s a quadrennial event that missed two editions due to World War II. With just 22 men’s World Cups to date, it’s still a young event in terms of total tournaments.
That simply means there are a number of consistent trends among winning teams that we can use to try to project who could win the 2026 World Cup. Let’s apply those common traits among previous winners to narrow down the 48-team field and see which teams are still left standing.
Before starting, a caveat. The most obvious common trait for projecting a winner is to pick among the previous winners. Only eight countries have ever won a World Cup. One of them, Italy, did not qualify for 2026, and Uruguay, which won two of the first four World Cups, is a long shot this year. The other six (Brazil, Germany, England, Argentina, France, Spain) are all among the top seven spots in the betting odds to win the biggest event for the world’s game.
This could be a quick and lazy endeavor where that one trait is applied, and then we say one of those six teams is likely to win it this year. While it is very likely that one of those six countries wins this World Cup, I’m going to resist that urge and pretend to be open-minded that there could be a first-time winner this year.
Teams eliminated: 26, including the United States, Mexico, Canada, Morocco
This immediately cuts many teams, including all three hosts. This stat goes beyond World Cup wins; it also extends to simply making it to the final. Thirteen different nations have competed in a World Cup final: 10 from Europe and three from South America.
Even as far as semifinals go, only three times has a country from outside the two dominant continents made it: the United States back in the original World Cup in 1930, South Korea as co-hosts in 2002 and Morocco at the last World Cup. Morocco has emerged as an improving national team, winning the 2025 Under-20 World Cup, taking bronze at the 2024 Olympics and making the quarterfinals at the last two U-17 World Cups since that 2022 run. The Atlas Lions could break this streak at some point, but they’re still long shots for this year.
Host countries do have a strong record at World Cups, with six wins. Four host countries won their first World Cup on home soil, but none of them were complete surprise winners. That brings us to the next trend.
Teams eliminated: Paraguay, Austria, Scotland, Czechia, Sweden, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Elo Ratings are famous from the chess world and can be applied to national teams, even retroactively. Whatever you think of the FIFA World Rankings, they have only been around since 1992. The Elo Ratings can be traced back to the first World Cup and show that the World Cup has historically not been kind to underdogs, especially those not hosting.
The lowest Elo Rating of a World Cup winner entering the tournament was Uruguay at 17 in 1950. Uruguay winning in Brazil is one of the most famous upsets in World Cup history.
Extending the cutoff to 17 is being kind. Uruguay is the only winner outside the top 15, and 15 of the 22 winners ranked inside the top four.
Mexico (currently at 19 in the world), Morocco (24), Canada (25) and the United States (all the way down at 36) would all have fallen off here even if they weren’t eliminated in the first category.
Teams eliminated: Belgium, Croatia, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey
It makes sense that countries that produce the best players in the world also have successful teams.
The Ballon d’Or, first given out in 1956, was only awarded to players from Europe until 1995, so it’s not fair to apply this to South American teams (though Brazil and Argentina have combined for 13 wins in the 30 times the award has been handed out since).
Winning a World Cup tends to lead to a Ballon d’Or win (seven out of the 11 times when a winning team has had eligible players), but this rule still applies without those instances.
Of European countries, France has the most different players to win the award with six. Germany and Italy have five different winners, England has four and the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain have three each, as does the former Soviet Union (one Russian, two Ukrainians).
Teams eliminated: Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, England, Portugal, Uruguay
To be honest, this stat is a bit of a self-fulfilling prophecy. The countries that are the best at the sport tend to have more qualified managers and have a tendency of being prideful in hiring one of their own. There is an undeniable correlation, but it’s harder to argue causality.
Would other foreign managers have been able to win with some of the squads that won World Cups in the past? Probably, but it’s also a pretty good stat.
When Brazil hired Italian manager Carlo Ancelotti, and England hired German manager Thomas Tuchel, this was part of the discussion. It’s harsh to hold it against a team for having Ancelotti, one of the most accomplished managers in the sport. This is a stat that will eventually come to an end, but for this exercise, we’re going to say it goes on for at least another four years.
Portugal is led by Spaniard Roberto Martínez while Colombia (Néstor Lorenzo), Ecuador (Sebastián Beccacece) and Uruguay (Marcelo Bielsa) all have Argentine managers. There are six Argentines managing at the 2026 World Cup, more than any other country.
There’s nothing overly shocking about these remaining teams. Spain and France are the top two betting favorites entering the tournament. Argentina is the defending champion. Germany has won four World Cups, each at least 16 years apart, demonstrating their ability to win in different eras.
The Netherlands is the only team on the list that hasn’t won a World Cup, infamously losing finals in 1974, 1978 and 2010. The Dutch have tons of history in the sport and a talented roster that is still among the top eight favorites entering the tournament.
NEW YORK TIMES
Jeffrey St. Clair>
Trump began his war on Iran during talks to prevent it. He said it gave him the element of surprise. His missile strikes killed much of the Iranian leadership, including some of the Iranians his team thought might govern the country after the bombing ended. One of his missiles hit a girls’ school, another hit the compound of Mahmood Ahmadinejad, one of the candidates Trump’s people had in mind to run Iran after they killed Ayatollah Ali Khameni, the Iranian religious leader who, austere as he was, preferred negotiation over confrontation.
Trump brushed off talk from some of his advisers that Iran would likely respond by shutting the Strait of Hormuz and attacking other Gulf States that had aided the US, either explicitly or covertly. His aides were right. He and Hegseth were wrong. Then Israel killed Iran’s top negotiators. Suddenly, there was no one left to talk to. Trump claimed that the Iranian military was completely destroyed. Iran responded by downing US fighter jets, drones and surveillance planes. It struck US military bases, ships and a CIA station house.
Trump claimed Iran had no leaders and its government was in a state of collapse. But the new regime quickly coalesced around Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba, and took a more radical, uncompromising stance. Trump said the Kurds would invade Iran and arm Iranian dissidents. But the Kurds, burned one too many times by the US, declined. And after US and Israeli missiles hit neighborhoods, schools, hospitals, power plants and oil refineries, the Iranian resistance turned against the US.
The Strait of Hormuz was shut down. The price of oil shot up and Trump’s poll numbers sank. The global economy was sent into crisis. Trump asked the European nations he had refused to warn about his plans to go to war against Iran for help. They refused. Spain, Italy, France, Austria, and Switzerland went further. They either blocked or restricted the use of their airspace, landing rights or shared military bases for airstrikes on Iran.
His top intelligence advisors, Joe Kent and Tulsi Gabbard, either resigned or were pushed out. The CIA and the Pentagon began leaking stories to the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal that Trump had been fully briefed that Iran would likely respond by closing the Strait of Hormuz. Trump sent the FBI out to find the leakers and hound the reporters. More stories came about how the US had used half of its THAAD interceptor missiles to defend Israel, at $15.5 million a pop, while Israel held its own missiles in reserve.
Unable to extort former US allies to bail him out or bomb the Iranians into submission, Trump began to manipulate the market, announcing fake cease-fire deals one week, threatening to make Iran glow the next. The market spasmed up and down and people with inside knowledge, including Trump, who made over 3000 trades, cashed in.
The US kept bombing with Iran’s high-tech weapons to little strategic effect. Iran kept responding with low-tech drones, which got progressively more accurate in their targeting. Within two months, the US had largely exhausted its missile supply, while Iran was rebuilding its own Fateh-110 short-range and Shahab-3 medium-range missiles, repairing its missile launchers, and reinforcing the bunkers at its nuclear sites.
Chess not being Trump’s game (no one is quite sure what his game is), he responded to Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz by moving inexplicably to impose his own blockade, thus placing himself in check. He vowed to send the Navy SEALs to steal Iran’s uranium stockpile. He didn’t and they couldn’t have, anyway. Trump threatened to send the Marines to seize Karg Island. He didn’t and they couldn’t have, in any event. The Iranians took note. The price of gas continued rising. Farmers ran out of fertilizer. An airline went bankrupt. Trump shrugged. The costs of the war were peanuts to him.
Trump boasted that Netanyahu would do anything he asked him. Trump said he was in control. But the Israelis acted on their own. They did what they wanted, which was to deepen and widen the war, subverting every timid move toward peace by Trump, by escalating its attacks on Hezbollah, Iran’s ally in southern Lebanon. Fulfilling Thucydides’ prophecy, Trump had walked right into his own trap and Netanyahu, behind his cynical smile, helped to spring it.
Europe was against the war. Russia was against the war. China opposed the war. The global south opposed the war. The American public opposed the war. But Congress did nothing as Trump usurped its constitutional power, refusing even to invoke the War Powers Act. There was no one left to stop the war, which almost no one wanted.
Two months into the war, Trump was desperate to find a way out. He sent his negotiating team, led by JD Vance, to Pakistan. The Iranians rebuffed the offer. Vance came home in disgrace and out of favor with Trump, who now considers him a loser. Trump turned his affections toward Marco Rubio, who wants to invade Cuba, but keeps his distance from Iran, a war even he understands to be unwinnable, plugging his ears against the ravings of the Israel-lobby funded hawks in his own party, as Odysseus did the call of the sirens. So the negotiations were left to Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, two non-diplomats, whose negotiating style is predicated on the pursuit of their own self-interest.
Trump needs a fig leaf to end the war. He was willing to pay Iran billions to hand over its enriched uranium stockpile. This should be an easy win and could have been under Ali Khamenei, who seemed ready to make just such a concession to prevent war, before they bombed his home. After all, Iran doesn’t need it. There are other ways to acquire nuclear weapons, if it wants them. But at this point, Iran knows it holds all of the cards. Iran, not Trump, holds the fate of the global economy in its hands. Despite the death and destruction Trump and Netanyahu have inflicted, Iran is more powerful now than it was before the war. The cards it holds can’t be bombed away. The US would have to send hundreds of thousands of ground troops to come take them. To Trump’s credit, he’s too squeamish to endure the bloodbath such an invasion would inevitably engender.
Iran is now in the position to dictate the terms of any deal, not the man who hubristically considers himself the “artist” of dealmaking, though most of his deals, like this one, ended in ruins.
COUNTERPUNCH
I don't want any more regrets
My dreams died like dolphins in a net
I never got to go to Venice
And how many summers have I left?
I still can't believe I'm a grandma


"The images that have emerged from Gaza reveal the anatomy of a desolate landscape that defies human comprehension. Nothing can prepare the conscience for the sheer suffocating scale of a seemingly endless treeless terrain overwhelmed with millions of tons of concrete and rebar.
There is a distinct agonizing geometry to the destruction of buildings folded upon themselves. The angles, lines and shapes of neighborhoods have been completely warped, creating a jarring unnatural landscape of ruins, where once familiar streets, blocks and landmarks are now unrecognizable. The steel and mortar that once housed generations of families, communal memories, bustling markets, and schools full of children eager to learn, have been leveled into a desolate sea of gray."
read article by REZA BEHNAM
Gaza: A Meditation on Spirit and Survival - CounterPunch.org
"O personagem da semana podia ser um time, um jogador, uma partida ou os inimigos do cronista (como o “execrável pessimismo”). Nelson aproveitava a coluna para corrigir injustiças e comentar hábitos nacionais, como se vê nos trechos destacados nesta página. Em dezembro de 1962, ele reclamou que não admiramos Garrincha “com a efusão necessária” e atacou comentaristas que acusavam o craque de prender a bola e atrasar o jogo. “O brasileiro é, antes de tudo, um impotente da admiração”, pontificou o cronista. Para destacar o ímpeto justiceiro do escritor, Caco Coelho fez questão de incluir em “As Copas de Nelson Rodrigues” textos sobre craques pouco lembrados, como Roberto (artilheiro do Botafogo) e Paulo Borges (goleador do Bangu).
Às vezes, Nelson também falava de outros esportes, como o boxe de Éder Jofre e o tênis de Maria Esther Bueno. Mesmo nos textos dedicados a modalidades diversas, ele dava suas botinadas no vira-latismo e reafirmava que “o brasileiro é o maior”. Para o cronista, o sucesso de Maria Esther nas quadras era índice do “fabuloso despertar da pátria”. “É o triunfo do Brasil como um todo harmonioso e irresistível”, celebrou. "
But I'm a creep
I'm a weirdo
What the hell am I doing here?
I don't belong here
"To mark the upcoming milestone, The Athletic has come up with a list of the 10 most important World Cup games. Not the 10 best, but rather the ones that have, for a variety of reasons, had the biggest impact on the sport and loom largest in its history.
For this article, a longlist of games was drawn up and then a panel of our journalists ranked them in order of most importance.
So, here are the top 10… and the reasons why."
Este ano eu não vou marcar bobeira
Vou caciquear
Só vou parar na quarta-feira
I gave you my heart
But you wanted my mind, oh yeah
Your love scares me to death, boy
Oh it's the chokin kind
That's all it is
MATTHEW D' ANCONA
“She is gone but she is everywhere”: so said the fashion photographer Bert Stern, who shot a series of images of Marilyn Monroe for Vogue shortly before her death on August 4, 1962, aged only 36. The posthumous cultural ubiquity that he identified is both opportunity and challenge for an exhibition such as the NPG’s, which marks the 100th anniversary of her birth.
In the first gallery – as if to confront the problem at the very start – a faded monochrome photobooth self-portrait of Norma Jeane Baker in around 1940 faces Andy Warhol’s Nine Multicolored Marilyns (Reversal Series) 1979-1986, which are screenprint reversals in acrylic paint of the Pop artist’s earlier silkscreen versions of Gene Korman’s iconic publicity still of Monroe for Niagara (1953). It is an image of an image of an image.
The response to this dilemma of co-curators Rosie Broadley and Georgia Atienza is to centre Monroe’s agency; her insistence, as the former writes in the exhibition catalogue, on being “an active partner in the creation of an extraordinary body of photographs.”
Though broadly chronological, this terrific show is defined by a series of such collaborations: with Cecil Beaton, Eve Arnold, Sam Shaw, André de Dienes, Richard Avedon, Philippe Halsman and many more. Avedon recalled how she would “pore over the contact sheets for hours.”
When de Dienes photographed her on Malibu beach in 1946 – the year before her first on-screen bit part in Sol M Wurtzel’s Dangerous Years – she evoked, in his words, “[a]n entire spectrum of life, depicting happiness, pensiveness, introspection, serenity, sadness, torment, distress – I even asked her to show me what ‘death’ looked like in her imagination. She threw a blanket over her head; that was how she interpreted it.”
Sixteen years later, when death was no longer a performance on Californian sands but an imminent reality, she was still sending back contact sheets to Stern, crossing out the images she disliked.
Many accounts of Monroe’s life are structured around her often toxic relationships with men – Joe DiMaggio, Arthur Miller, the Kennedys, studio moguls – to the extent that Andrew Dominik’s controversial movie Blonde (2022), starring Ana de Armas, was essentially an artefact of the #MeToo era. The NPG’s exhibition does not gloss over the male gaze or its impact upon Monroe (“A sex symbol becomes a thing, I just hate to be a thing.”)
But it devotes more space to her individuality, intellectual ambition – she read widely, studied “The Method” with Lee and Paula Strasberg, and became immersed in psychoanalysis – and yearning for creative pilgrimage. Halsman’s shot of her in jeans, working out with dumbbells in 1952, is a million miles removed from, say, Shaw’s legendary image of her, taken two years later, in a billowing white dress on the set of Billy Wilder’s The Seven Year Itch (1955).
Instinctively
or otherwise, Monroe anticipated the postmodern world and the age of
Instagram, in which the self would be fragmented but could be redefined
by rummaging in the dressing-up box of available identities: creation
would be curation. As she observed: “People had a habit of looking at me
as if I were some kind of mirror instead of a person.” Yet, as this
exhibition shows triumphantly, her legacy is so much greater than a hall
of a billion mirrors.
THE NEW WORLD
Tutty Vasques
Parece mentira, talvez até seja mesmo, mas cá pra nós isso não tem a menor importância no Congresso. Comenta-se por lá que na volta olímpica do feriadão de Primeiro de Maio o senador Davi Alcolumbre já teria outra ‘derrota histórica’ agendada para o Lula. Anota aí as coordenadas, mas não espalha para não quebrar os sites de apostas: o golpe de misericórdia vai acontecer no dia 13 de junho, um sábado, a partir das 19h (horário de Brasília), no MetLife Stadium, em Nova Jersey (EUA). Pelos cálculos do presidente do Congresso, se o Brasil perder para Marrocos na estreia da Seleção na Copa do Mundo, o Lula tá lascado! Com o agravante de que, em caso de nova eliminação na principal competição da Fifa, esta seria a terceira em três mandatos do atual presidente. Perdemos em 2006, perdemos em 2010 e, se a oposição estiver certa, perdendo de novo em 2026 a única coisa em comum nesses três momentos de frustração popular com o futebol brasileiro terá sido o Lula no Palácio do Planalto. Lenha suficiente para a fogueira dos editoriais de apoio ao impeachment do ‘maior pé-frio da história deste país’, antes que ele se reeleja e promova em 2030 vexame ainda maior no centenário das copas do mundo. Faltando menos de 40 dias para a bola rolar pela primeira vez em Nova Jersey, o prognóstico catastrófico de Alcolumbre só não se concretizará se, por uma dessas surpresas do futebol, o Brasil conquistar enfim o hexa na tarde do domingo, 19 de julho, naquele mesmo estádio da estreia. “E aí”, como diz a canção do sempre profético Chico Buarque, “larari larari larari larara ...”

"It is no exaggeration to say that Satrapi’s books brought me (and many women like me) out of hiding and taught us to stop apologising for ourselves: for our trauma, our loudness, our rage, grief, desire. “I’m stuck in the middle,” she told the Believer in 2006. “Everywhere I have to defend Iran. Because Iran is not understood at all, especially in the US.” Her books complicated the one-dimensional image of Iranians in western media. In a 2024 interview with the Guardian, she talks about the “hidden racism” of the west, “that views Iranians as people who are not culturally suited to human rights”. In film, Iran is “stuck in the dark ages”, with shots of “a hillside and a donkey”. “A tree … A woman … An apple … Fuck that, we live in cities, we have very complicated problems … [And] the government isn’t representative of us.”"
read article by DINA NAYERI
Dina Nayeri: Marjane Satrapi brought Iranian women like me out of hiding | Books | The Guardian
What are you most looking forward to about this World Cup?
Which game are you most excited about going to?
Who will be the tournament’s best player?
Which player could be a surprise package?
Who is your favourite to win the Golden Boot?
Which team do you see as this year’s dark horse?
Is there a fancied team you think might disappoint?
And finally… pick a World Cup winner…
World Cup 2026 – Groups, bracket and predictions with all 48 teams confirmed - The Athletic
Eduardo Affonso
Lá se foi o Brasil, pela sexta vez, rumo ao hexa. E, em vez de nos dedicarmos a pintar asfalto, pendurar bandeirola e tirar do armário a vuvuzela, somos 213 milhões em ação criticando o uniforme do escrete canarinho. Cansados de ser especialistas em logística naval no Estreito de Ormuz, em definição de “grupo terrorista” e em escala 6 x 1, viramos fashionistas. Tudo porque o traje social da seleção divide opiniões: há quem ache feio, há quem ache horroroso.
É que você, torcedor ingrato, não capta as referências e não entende que, em moda, o resultado é o de menos — o que importa é o conceito.
Sim, parece que os jogadores estão de pijama — uma forma de nos lembrar que é preciso continuar sonhando em ser campeões. Mesmo numa disputa em que também estejam Espanha, França, Inglaterra, Argentina e Portugal. Sem contar Alemanha, Holanda, Bélgica, Noruega, Colômbia e meia dúzia de outros sérios candidatos a nos mandar pra cama mais cedo.
Sim, lembram internos do sistema prisional — o que sugere uma crítica subliminar à demora em políticos, juízes e gestores públicos serem agraciados com tornozeleiras eletrônicas ou introduzidos no ambiente carcerário.
Dir-se-ia tratar-se de enfermeiros — uma forma empática e sutil de mostrar que estarão ao lado do Neymar na lesão e na entorse, na queda e na contusão. Ou talvez sejam técnicos de laboratório de análises clínicas, reforçando a ideia de que todos ali darão o sangue pela vitória.
A fatiota pode também evocar uma convenção da firma, daquelas com treinamento de liderança, imersão em coaching e palestras sobre mindset, protagonismo e metas disruptivas para o terceiro trimestre. Pode e deve, porque é exatamente disso que se trata.
(Caso você, como eu, esteja sendo apresentado neste momento ao mundo da alfaiataria, caban é uma espécie de casaco, ali entre o blazer e o jaleco, só que mais metido a besta. É o que os jogadores estão vestindo, no lugar do bom e velho paletó.)
Aquele look desestruturado remete, ainda, às nossas instituições cada vez menos democráticas, ao desequilíbrio entre os podres poderes da República, ao tariflávio e ao rombo bilionário dos Correios.
Por isso, antes de reclamar do problemático uniforme, pense que a CBF poderia ter contratado a Balenciaga, e nossa pátria de chuteiras estaria embarcando de chinelo de dedo, bermuda destroyed e camiseta regata de campanha eleitoral, carregando seus pertences numa sacola de plástico de supermercado. Tudo a um custo muitíssimo maior.
Melhor acreditar que o pior que poderia acontecer já aconteceu — no uniforme, não em campo. E agora é bola pra frente, futebol é uma caixinha de surpresas, treino é treino e jogo é jogo, são 11 contra 11, é vencer ou vencer, empatar fora de casa é um bom resultado, o importante é competir e vamos correr atrás do prejuízo.
Vai, Brasa!
GLOBO
I'm going to tell you a story about Mary LouI mean the kind of girl who make a fool of youShe'd make a young man groan and a poor man painThe way she took my money was a cryin' shame
IN MEMORIAM IKE WILLIS
JEFFREY ST CLAIR >
+ There were more notable films released in 1975 than there have been in the last decade…
Galileo, Report to the Commissioner, Shampoo, The Stepford Wives, Jacques Brel Was Alive and Well and Living in Paris, Mahler, Mirror, Funny Lady, Great Waldo Pepper, Prisoner of 2nd Ave, Rancho Deluxe, Tommy, The Yakuza, Rosebud, The Passenger, Monty Python and Holy Grail, Seven Beauties, Day of the Locusts, The Wild Party, The Man in the Glass Booth, The Fortune, Wind and the Lion, The Hiding Place, Love and Death, Nashville, Night Moves, Jaws, The Drowning Pool, Dersu Uzala, Picnic at Hanging Rock, Rocky Horror Picture Show, 92 in the Shade, Swept Away, Dog Day Afternoon, Three Days of the Condor, Conduct Unbecoming, Hard Times, Litzomania, Lies My Father Told Me, Crazy Mama, Sunshine Boys, The Human Factor, One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, The Romantic Woman, Barry Lyndon, The Man Who Would Be King, Killer Elite, Story of Adele H., Aaron Loves Angela, Peeper, The Wrong Move, Stardust, Let’s Do It Again, Shivers, Hearts of the West, Black Moon.
In other words, films by Robert Altman, Akira Kurosawa, Andrei Tarkovski, Stanley Kubrick, Woody Allen, Gordon Parks, Mike Nichols, Joseph Losey, Ken Russell, Peter Weir, Jonathan Demme, Milos Forman, Sydney Lumet, Lina Wertmüller, Sam Peckinpah, Sydney Poitier, Francois Truffaut, David Cronenberg, Louis Malle, Sydney Pollack, Walter Hill, Jan Kadar, Michael Apted, Edward Dymtryk, Wim Wenders, Peter Hyams, Gene Wilder, John Huston, Robert Wise, Robert Aldrich, Stanley Donen and even the novelist Tom McGuane…1975 was a good year to be 16, I guess, though I’m not sure I thought so at the time.
Romario Regis >
A direita brasileira comemorou ontem a entrada em vigor da decisão americana que classifica o PCC e o Comando Vermelho como organizações terroristas estrangeiras. Hoje, 5 de junho, a designação está oficialmente em vigor, publicada no Federal Register dos Estados Unidos. Mas a quinta-feira trouxe uma reportagem da Reuters, assinada de Brasília, que vira o argumento da direita do avesso. Eu explico
Segundo fontes ouvidas pela Reuters, a designação ameaça romper a histórica cooperação bilateral entre Brasil e EUA no combate ao tráfico de drogas e armas. Especialistas ouvidos por CNN, Conjur e Folha confirmam o diagnóstico. As ferramentas que efetivamente importam, sanções a integrantes, bloqueio de vistos, congelamento de ativos e rastreamento financeiro, já estavam disponíveis aos EUA sem designação terrorista. Bastava aplicar.
O que muda, agora, na frase do analista Lourival Sant'Anna, da CNN: "entra a doutrina de segurança nacional dos Estados Unidos". O tema sai do trilho da cooperação técnica entre Polícia Federal e DEA e entra no trilho do que os EUA já fizeram em outros lugares, com base na mesma doutrina. México, com agentes da CIA participando de ataques contra cartéis. Venezuela, com a Operação Southern Spear. Caribe, com bombardeios a embarcações em águas internacionais.
O promotor Lincoln Gakiya, do Gaeco de São Paulo, principal especialista do país em PCC, alerta para o efeito menos discutido. A partir da designação, todas as instituições financeiras brasileiras que comercializaram títulos do Banco Master ou fundos do grupo Reag podem ser sancionadas pelos EUA. Nas palavras dele, em entrevista à CNN: "Estamos falando de todo o sistema financeiro nacional, porque praticamente todos os bancos comercializaram. Isso é muito grave.
E o procurador da República Vladimir Aras, professor da UnB, em entrevista à Conjur, é ainda mais direto. A designação americana não traz "qualquer ganho instrumental" para a Polícia Federal ou para o Ministério Público brasileiros. Pelo contrário, pode "atrasar investigações e potencializar nulidades" por questões de competência jurídica. Quem investiga PCC e CV hoje no Brasil é a PF, o MP e a Justiça brasileira. A entrada da doutrina americana pode complicar processos em curso.
A síntese. Flávio Bolsonaro foi ao Salão Oval em 26 de maio pedir pessoalmente a Trump a designação. Comemorou em vídeo nas redes. Era para ser, no discurso dele, combate ao crime organizado. Saiu, na prática, segundo Reuters, Gakiya, Aras e o FBSP, enfraquecimento da cooperação técnica que já existia, risco financeiro para todo o sistema bancário brasileiro e abertura jurídica para ação militar extraterritorial americana.

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